Mary Tudor, queen of France

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ROMANTIC HISTORY

MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

ROMANTIC HISTORY

TWO ENGLISH QUEENS AND
PHILIP. Martin Hume, M.A.

THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF THE
NETHERLANDS. Eleanor E.
Tremayne.

MARGARET OF AUSTRIA. Eleanor
E. Tremayne.

THE NINE DAYS' QUEEN. Richard
Davey.

THE GREAT INFANTA. L. Klingen-

STEIN.

ISABEL, SOVEREIGN OF THE
NETHERLANDS. L. Klingen-

STEIN.

MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF
FRANCE. Mary Croom Brown.

MARY TUDOR, DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK AND HKR HUSBAND
CHARLES BRANDON, DUKE OF SUFFOLK

IK I'AINTINC; BY (RAN DE MABUSE l\ THE POSSESSION OF I HK EARL OF VAlitlOROUt

m

MARY TUDOR
QUEEN OF FRANCE

BY

MARY CROOM BROWN

WITH TWELVE ILLUSTRATIONS

METHUEN & GO. LTD.
36 ESSEX STREET W.G.

LONDON -VA.

First Publishtd in ign

/09

PREFACE

ANYONE who writes the life of Mary Tudor,
daughter of Henry VII. , must owe a debt of
gratitude to Mrs Everett Green, who first drove
a wedge through the mass of documents dealing with
the subject. Since that date, however, new evidence
has come to light and fresh readings of mutilated docu-
ments have been possible. Here and there a detail has
been verified, nothing in itself, but when fitted in
suggesting a new meaning to the whole ; for this
romantic history, dealing as it does with personal detail,
is a very jig-saw puzzle. The date of the princess's birth,
now at last definitely ascertained, is one of these details ;
the fact that in France she was twice married to Charles
Brandon is another ; and, to give a third instance, the
detailed evidence shows that in the question of the dis-
missal of her English train from the French Court, Mary
was as much sinner as sinned against. But after all is
said, the difference between a book written fifty years
ago, and one of to-day lies not so much in the matter
newly discovered, as in the method of handling the same
documents, and in the present incorrigible habit of
valuing personality above ceremony, in this case looking
for the woman in the princess and finding her. So while
fifty years ago Princess Mary " penned many epistles,"
now she writes letters; then "she was advanced to

vi MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

maternal honours," now her first child is born. It all
means the same thing set to differing measures. We jig
along : they walked solemnly.

My thanks are due in no small measure to Miss A. M.
Allen and to Mr P. C. Allen for their careful and friendly
help, and to the Librarian of Exeter College and the
officials of the Record Office for their courtesy.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

PAGE

Childhood and Betrothal to Charles of Castile . 1

CHAPTER II
European Complications ..... 25

CHAPTER III
A Campaign and a Courtship . . . .48

CHAPTER IV

The Duchess repudiates her Suitor and the Princess

breaks her contract . . . .72

CHAPTER V
Betrothal to Louis XII. of France ... 93

CHAPTER VI
Queen of France . . . . . .119

CHAPTER VII
The Englishmen in Paris . . . .139

CHAPTER VIII

The White Queen and the Duke. The Secret

Marriage . . . . . .148

vii

viii MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE
CHAPTER IX

PAGE

Confession and Penance . . . . .173

CHAPTER X
The Lovers come Home ... . 200

CHAPTER XI

Afterwards . . . . . .219

Appendix . . . . . . .253

Index ...... 277

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Mary Tudor, Duchess of Suffolk, and her Husband

Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk . Frontispiece

From the Painting by Jean de Mabuse, in the possession of the
Earl of Yarborough

FACING PAGE

4

Elizabeth of York ..-•-•■

kFrom the Painting in the National Portrait Gallery (Flemish
School)

Henry VII.

From the Painting in the National Portrait Gallery (Flemish
School)

Maximilian, Emperor of Germany

From the Painting by Albrecht Diirer at Vienna. (Photo, F.
Hanfstaengl)

Margaret, Duchess of Savoy ....

From the Window in the Chapel of the Virgin in the Church of
Bron

Margaret, Countess of Richmond . .74

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery

Charles, Prince of Castile .... 90

From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School)

14

36

66

x MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

FACING PAGE

Louis XII 102

Engraved by A. Berthold, from his Tomb in S. Denis

Francis I. . . . . . . .144

From the Painting in the Louvre (French School)

Henry VIII 154

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery

Cardinal Wolsey . . . . . .192

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots . . .230

National Portrait Gallery

REFERENCES

. and P. H. VII. and R. Ill

—

Letters and Papers, Henry VII. and
Richard III.

. and P. H. VIII. .

=

Calendar of Letters and Papers,
Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign
of Henry VIII.

. S. P. Venice

=

Calendar of Venetian State Papers.

. S. P. Spain

=

Calendar of Spanish State Papers.

alig. .

=

Cottonian MSS., Caligula, B.M.

ralba .

• =

„ „ Galba, „

itell.

. =

„ „ Vitellius, „

•sp. .

. =

„ „ Vespasian, „

lb. .

cr

Public Record Office.

*ft

MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF
FRANCE

CHAPTER I

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL TO CHARLES OF
CASTILE

TO write the full life of Mary Tudor, second
daughter of Henry VII., is to attempt the
impossible, for the term usually implies a con-
secutive story from the gate of birth to that of death.
We do know now the dates written over both these
gates, but while her early days are shrouded by lack of
information, her later years are equally indistinct. For
less than a couple of years Mary Tudor lives and moves
before us, and only this watch and vision is clear.
From October 1514 to May 1516 she reveals herself,
and fortunately with greater distinctness than she could
possibly have done in a chronicle of orderly days with
their circling duties and small joys and sorrows. To
most ordinary men and women there comes one great
moment in life, the third act of the play, to which all
the previous scenes have been leading, and it is during
Mary's great moment, when her nature was keyed to
its highest pitch, that we are able to see her clearest.
Before it arrives and after it has passed one desires,
and desires in vain, the chronicle of those smaller joys

2 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

and sorrows, but it is not to be found, and as we cannot
have the life let us make the most of the episode.

The date of Mary's birth has at last been fixed as
the 18th March 1495. The day and the month have
hitherto been a matter of uncertain conjecture, and the
year has been given as 1496 on the strength of a privy
seal of Henry VII. which runs as follows : " de Termino
Paschae anno xi. regis nunc : Anne Skeron nutrici
dominae Mariae Is. pro quarterio unius anni finiti ad
festum Sancti Johannis Baptistae ultim. ; Johannae
Colyng, Fredeswidae Puttenham, Marjeriae Gower,
Johannae Cace, Avisae Skidmore et Alicae Bywymble
cuilibet earum xxxiijs. iiijd, pro attendenciis suis
nutrici ducis Eboracencis et sororum suarum per medium
annum ad finem predictum." So that Anne Skeron had
only completed three months' service at midsummer
when the other nurses and attendants had completed
six. Now the xi. year of Henry VII. lies between
August 22, 1495, and August 21, 1496, so that this
midsummer falls before Easter 1496, the date of the
document, for it is " ad festum Sancti Johannis Baptistae
ultim." Hence the quarter's wage then due must have
begun in March 1495, not in March 1496 as Mrs
Green 1 and, following her, Dr Gairdner argues. That
it was 1495 is supported, in a somewhat weak-kneed
fashion, by the fact that in the beginning of 1499 2
Henry refused to give his daughter in marriage to
the Duke of Milan because she was only three years
old, and by her brother's statement in his letter to
Leo X. announcing the repudiation of the Castilian
marriage contract in 1514, that she was married in

1 " Lives of the Princesses of England," vol. v. p. 2.

2 C. S. P. Venice, i. 790.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 3

December 1508 at the age of about thirteen (cum vix
annum tertium decimum attigisset). 1 Henry VII. 's
love of accuracy makes his statement that Mary was
three years old and not four at the beginning of 1499
worth having, and, as Dr Gairdner says, his son had
no reason to deceive the Pope in 1514. His sister had
then been safely married to an old man, and there was
no necessity to keep up a fiction about her age. But
evidence of unassailable authority is to be found in the
Calendar prefixed to Queen Elizabeth of York's Psalter
in the Library of Exeter College, Oxford, where the
date of Mary's birth is given as 18th March 1495. The
only question which now arises is, Did the writer who
inserted the dates for the Queen in the Calendar use
the January or the March year ? But remembering the
date of the privy seal already quoted, and the fact that
the new fashion of reckoning the year as beginning in
January was already in use in private documents, it is
only reasonable to conclude that the writer, whoever he
may have been, had adopted the modern calendar.

The difficulty of determining the age of the princess
is partly due to the fact that when Mary was growing
up and developing rapidly into a young woman, Charles
of Castile, nearly five years younger, remained a child
in appearance. The Flemish Council said she was too
old for him, and sought to break off the match, and in
1514, to answer the gibe that Charles wanted a wife
and not a mother, her age seems to have been officially
announced as sixteen, while as a matter of fact she was
nineteen. No wonder in these days of early marriages
(her sister Margaret was packed off to Scotland when
she was just over fifteen, and her father had been born

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5319, Harl. 3462, 142. b.

4 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

before her grandmother's fourteenth birthday) she felt
as though she had coiffe Ste Catherine, and the fiction
of her age grew easily.

The childhood of Mary passed in obscurity ; new-
frocks, a few doctor's bills, a papal pardon, are the few
indications of her existence. Once only do we see her,
as a child of four, in the winter of 1499, playing in the
great hall at Eltham, 1 when Lord Mountjoy brought
Erasmus to see Prince Henry there. When she emerges
into clearer light, she shows herself to be of little mental
originality but of strong passions, and it will be
interesting to describe, so far as is possible, the qualities
she may have inherited from her father and her mother.
Henry VIII., Queen Margaret of Scotland, Queen Mary of
France, all had these violent qualities which are miscalled
Tudor, for they really belong to the house of York.

Her mother, Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward
IV., had been rescued from the arms of her uncle,
Richard III., to be thrust into those of Henry of
Richmond. She was a rather short woman, inclined to
embonpoint, with deep breasts. She possessed a happy,
pleasure-loving temperament, was very charitable, deeply
attached to her sisters, Katharine, Countess of Devon,
and the lady Bridget of York ; religious in the outward
sense of the word. That is to say, that while she took
many journeys for pleasure in the summer, she did her
pilgrimages vicariously by means of her servants. 2 Her
portrait in the National Portrait Gallery is not that of
an intellectual woman, it is, rather, a childish face with
great comeliness. She had ruddy hair and brown eyes,
which she bequeathed to none of her surviving children >

1 Knight's " Life of Erasmus," p. 69.

2 Exchequer Accounts, T.K., Misc. Books 210. Record Office.

ELIZABETH OF YORK

FROM THE PAINTING IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY (FLEMISH SCHO

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 5

who all had the pale blue eyes, looking grey in certain
lights, of their father. She was beloved by the
Londoners because she was the daughter of her father,
and no doubt this means that she had his easy manner,
and possibly, like him, was " among mean persons more
familiar than his degree, dignity or majesty required." 1
She had no influence in Court nor with her husband.
All the feminine influence there was centred in her
mother-in-law, the Lady Margaret, Countess of
Richmond, with whose orderly, ceremony-loving nature
Elizabeth must ever have been secretly at feud. Henry
believed there was no woman to equal his mother, and
the "King's lady mother" regulated the whole Court
in personal matters with a despotic hand. Ceremony
was to her the breath of her nostrils, and, where she was,
nothing moved but to slow and stately music. Elizabeth,
on the other hand, loved flowers and gardens, music and
disguisings and picnics, 2 and she passed on her delight
in these things to her children, while she did not
"like" her position of subjection; but that there was
open revolt we cannot tell. There is a pathetic hearsay
picture of her as the comforter of her husband on the
death of Prince Arthur in 1502, which shows her gentle
nature and soft, ^comforting manner. (Again, these were
passed on to Queen Mary and Henry VIII.) Henry was
absolutely broken down by the news, and she hid her
own sorrow at the sight of his grief till the first agony
of his was passed. But when she went back to her own
room, " natural and motherly remembrance of that
great loss smote her so sorrowful to the heart, that those
that were about her were fain to send for the King to

1 Hall's " Chronicle," ed. 1809, p. 341.

2 Exchequer Accounts, T.R., Misc. Books 210. passim.

6 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

comfort her." This account the writer acknowledges to
be at second hand, but whether her reported words be
the self-same that she uttered or not, yet the fact
remains that in spite of Lady Margaret, Henry turned
to his wife for comfort in his great grief. Possibly Lady
Margaret grudged the Queen her easy popularity, for she
was as beloved as Henry was disliked. " She is a very
noble woman," writes the Spanish agent, and suggests that
his master and mistress should show her a little love.

Henry's picture has been drawn by Hall. " He was
a man of body but leane and spare, albeit mighty and
strong therewith, of personage and stature somewhat
higher than the mean sort of men be, of a wonderful
beauty and fair complexion, of countenance merry and
smiling, especially in his communication, his eyes grey,
his teeth single and hair thin, of wit in all things quick
and prompt, of a princely stomach and haute courage.
In great perils, doubtful affairs and matters of weighty
importance, supernatural and in manner divine, for
such things as he went about he did them advisedly
and not without great deliberation and breathing. . . .
Besides this, he was sober, moderate, honest, affable,
courteous, bounteous, so much abhoring pride and
arrogancy that he was ever sharp and quick to them
which were noted and spotted with the crime. . . .
Although his mother were never so wise (as she was
both witty and wise), yet her will was bridled and her
doynges restrayned. And this regiment he said he
kept to thentent y fc he worthely might be called a King,
whose office is to rule and not to be ruled of other." l

De Puebla, the Spanish ambassador, found that
when he was angry Henry's speech was full of venom,

1 Hall's "Chronicle," ed. 1809, p. 504.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 7

and that the words came from his mouth like vipers
and he indulged in every kind of passion. Add to this
another Spaniard's estimate of the King. In 1498
Pedro d'Ayala wrote to Ferdinand of Aragon. Henry
" is disliked, but the Queen is beloved because she is
powerless. They [the people] love the Prince as much
as themselves, because he is the grandchild of his
grandfather. . . . The King looks old for his years,
but young for the sorrowful life he has led. One of
the reasons why he leads a good (i.e. sober) life is that
he has been brought up abroad. He would like to
govern England in the French fashion, but he cannot.
He is subject to his Council, but has already shaken
off some and has got rid of some part of this subjection.
Those who have received the greatest favours from him
are the most discontented. He knows all that. The
King has the greatest desire to employ foreigners in his
service. He cannot do so, for the envy of the English
is diabolical, and I think without equal. He likes to
be much spoken of and to be highly appreciated by the
whole world. He fails in this, because he is not a great
man. Although he professes many virtues, his love of
money is too great. He spends all the time he is not
in public or in his council in writing the accounts of
his expenses with his own hand. . . . The King is much
influenced by his mother and his followers in affairs
of personal interest and in others. The Queen, as is
generally the case, does not like it." 1 The same writer
puts down the fact that Henry was more intelligent
than his courtiers to his not being a pure Englishman.
From another source 2 Henry's impatience with

1 C. S. P. Spain, p. 210.

2 L. and P. R. III. and H. VII., i. 231.

8 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

unsupported accusations is emphasized. "Ye would
be ware how that ye brake to him in such matters, for
he would take it to be said of envy, ill-will and malice,"
and he would send " sharp writing again that he would
have proof of this matter." Further, the King was
superstitious, and d'Ayala hints that this is his Welsh
blood : " in Wales there are many who tell fortunes."
In 1499 he was warned by a priest that his life would
be in great danger for a year, and he aged in con-
sequence twenty years in two weeks, and grew " very
devout and heard a sermon every day during Lent, and
has continued his devotions for the rest of the day."

The whole Court was devout in the same sense, and
while one Spaniard says that " when one sees and
knows the manners and the way of life of this people
in this island, we cannot deny the grave inconveniences
of the Princess's (Katharine) coming to England before
she is of age . . . before she has learnt to appreciate
fully our habits of life," * another complains that it is
impossible in Lent to get a piece of meat in the Court
kitchen. 2 And the two complaints illustrate well what
was and what was not to be found in the Court.

The nursery of the royal children was at Eltham, and
there Mary probably remained till she was of fit age
to appear in public. During her first two years the
"Norcery" was under the care of Mistress Elizabeth
Denton, 3 of whom Henry and Mary were genuinely
fond, 4 and when she became one of the Queen's gentle-
women, her place was taken by Mistress Anne Crowmer. 5
The children consisted of Henry, Duke of York, the

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 210. 2 Ibid., i. 603.

3 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.K., Bundle 414 (8).

4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 217, and other entries.

6 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.K., Misc. Books 209.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 9

ladies Margaret and Mary, and later on of Lord Edmund,
who died a baby in 1500. Arthur, Prince of Wales,
who was nine years older than Mary, had been emanci-
pated from women's care, and had his own household.
Babyhood in these days was not prolonged, and before
Mary was two years old she was dressed like a woman
of twenty in kirtles of black silk and velvet edged with
ermine and mink, and provided with ribbons for lacing
and for girdles, 1 while next spring (8th April 1497) 2
she was playing about in black velvet edged with
tawny tinsel, or in black satin edged with velvet and
a kirtle of black damask ; the gowns, poor child, already
stiff with buckram. Her smocks were made of fine
linen. The usual channel by which Mary got all her
clothes was an order to the keeper of the Great Wardrobe
at the Tower minutely describing the articles to be
delivered, signed at the top by her father. The same
year (16th November 1497) 3 she was given 3 pairs
of hosen, 8 pairs single soled shoes and 4 pairs of
double. In July 1499 4 she was put into colours, and
presented with a green velvet gown edged with purple
tinsel satin, and a blue velvet gown edged with crimson
velvet, both stiffened with buckram, a kirtle of tawny
satin edged with black velvet lined with blue cloth in
the upper body, and another of black satin lined with
black cloth in the upper body, 2 pairs knit hosen
and linen smocks. Sheets, blankets, carpets, stools,
basins, all chamber furnishings came from the Great
Wardrobe, and were not to be had without a personal
order from the King. No doubt her grandmother
ordered such clothing for her grandchildren as she

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.R, Bundle 414 (8). 2 Ibid.

3 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.R, Misc. Books 209. 4 Ibid.

io MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

considered proper, and only once is there evidence
that Queen Elizabeth took any interest in Mary's
clothes : that was when she paid for the making of a
black gown for her just after the death of Prince
Arthur. 1 What emotions may underlie that bare entry
in the Queen's private accounts we can only conjecture.
The education necessary for a young lady was to
learn to sing and to dance, to play the lute and other
instruments, and to order her discourse wisely. Very
much what it was fifty years ago. Henry admired
French manners more than any other, and wanted
his children to be conversant with them. So with
Mary he placed Mademoiselle Jane Popincourt, a child
of about her own age, and we may conjecture that the
large wardrobe provided in March 1498 for "a French
maiden " 2 was for her. She had almost the same
clothes as the princess, and was called her attendant,
and Mary herself says they were brought up together.
If Henry's idea was that his daughter should learn to
speak French in her childhood, he was disappointed.
Probably Jane learnt to speak English, but when
Mary's marriage drew near in 1512, she had to have
a special schoolmaster to coach her in the language,
and this in spite of the fact that in Henry VII. 's court
French was the usual tongue. Beyond reading and
writing (spelling, alas for the record searcher, was
not taught), singing, dancing, and embroidering, Mary's
education did not go, and we have only to look at the
portrait of her father to realize that he was one of
those men who pray, " d'une mule qui brait et d'une
fille qui parle latin, delivrez-nous, seigneur." His
mother's benefactions to learning at the universities go

1 E*c. T.R., Misc. Books 210. 2 Ibid., 209.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL n

no way to prove that she believed in it for women, as
in fact she did not, and the result was that neither
Mary nor her elder sister attained to the intellectual
poise which is so remarkable in their descendants, Lady
Jane Grey and Queen Mary Stuart.

So the two girls lived at Eltham, made habitable
by their grandfather, and went in and out under his
device (the rose en soleil) on the doorway, 1 and
afterwards at Baynard's Castle, Westminster Palace,
Richmond, Windsor, Greenwich, wherever the Court
was, going from one place to another by river in the
Queen's great barge with its white and green awnings
and 21 rowers in livery, and taking two days to
get from Greenwich to Richmond. 2 Once out of the
nursery they were with their mother's ladies, and with
their aunts, the Lady Katharine Courteney, Countess of
Devon, and the Lady Bridget of York, who, after the
Queen's death, became a nun. 3 They knew Lady
Katharine Gordon, the unfortunate widow of Perkin
Warbeck, whose position at Court must have been a
curious one ; she was one of the Queen's ladies.
Among the others were Lady Anne Howard, Lady
Elizabeth Stafford, Lady Alyanore Verney, daughter
of Sir Geoffrey Pole, whose husband, Sir Rauf, became
chamberlain to Mary as Princess of Castile, and whose
daughter-in-law, Dorothy, was one of her ladies. Dame
Joan Guildford, sister of Sir Nicholas Vaux of Calais,
and protege of the Countess of Richmond, whose
husband was controller of the household ; Anne Weston,
of the same Westons as Francis, who came to so tragic

1 Drake's "Hundred of Blackheath," p. 186.

2 Exc. T.R., Misc. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen Elizabeth.

3 Ibid.

12 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

.an end in the Boleyn catastrophe ; Anne Browne, who
went through so much misery before Charles Brandon
married her ; Eleanor Jones represented Wales, beloved
of Henry and his mother ; and the two Baptistes,
Elizabeth and Francoise, were French waiting-maids. 1

When Mary was six years old her father attained his
ambition, and the alliance with Spain, for which he had
wrought so hard since 1488, constantly handicapped by
conspiracies and rebellions, was affirmed by the marriage,
in November 1501, of Katharine of Aragon and Arthur
of Wales. Mary and her sister had new gowns for the
occasion. Margaret, because she was six years older
than Mary, and was about to be betrothed to James IV.
of Scotland, and had to look her best in the presence of
the Scots Commissioners, had her first gown of cloth of
gold : " tawnay cloth of gold tissue trimmed with
ermine backs and furred within with ermine wombes."
She had another of purple velvet, made very long, with
tabard sleeves furred with the same, two new hoods
made in the French fashion, one of crimson and one of
black velvet, two kirtles, one of tawny, one of russet
satin, two pairs of sleeves, one of crimson satin and one
of white cloth of gold of damask lined with blue sarcenet.
Margaret's joy can be easily read in the light of her later
open pleasure in fine clothes, for when in Scotland, de-
spoiled of all by the Duke of Albany, and too ill to move,
she had the new gowns sent by her brother brought in
to her room time and again, so that she might admire
them. Mary had no cloth of gold. She had two
gowns, one of russet velvet trimmed with ermine backs
and furred within with miniver, and another of crimson
velvet with tabard sleeves trimmed with the same ; a

1 Exc. T.R., Misc. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen Elizabeth.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 13,

kirtle of tawny satin with a pair of green satin sleeves.
The whole Court got new clothes, and on the day of the
marriage the King's henchmen in their crimson cloaks,,
bordered with black satin, 1 the Duke of York's followers
in yellow and blue, with the guard in the King's own
livery of white and green, and the minstrels and
" trompettes " with their banner-hung instruments
also dressed in the King's colours, the King and the
Queen and their children in cloth of gold or tawny
satin and ermine, must have made a fine sight as the-
procession passed along the blue cloth laid down from
the bishop's palace to the cathedral door. 2

But in a few months cloth of gold was exchanged for
black satin, for Arthur died in Wales on 2nd April 1502,
though in November, when Mary received her half-
yearly supply of clothes, she was given a crimson velvet
kirtle, possibly in anticipation of Margaret's marriage
with the King of Scots on 25th January 1503. At the
same time Elizabeth Langton, wardrobe maid, received
linen for smocks, rails (nightgowns) and night kerchiefs
for the princess and for Jane Popincourt. 3 This is the
first time rails are mentioned in the list. Did small
children go to their " naked bed ' ?■ The Queen was
going to have another child, and about three weeks
after Margaret's marriage she died in child-birth in the
Tower (11th February). Her French nurse 4 had not
been a success after all. She is reported to have com-
forted Henry on Arthur's death with the promise of
more children, saying God had given them so many
" and we are both young enough, and God is where he

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.K., Bundle 415 (10).

2 Ibid. » Ibidt

4 Exc. T.R., Mi3c. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen
Elizabeth.

i 4 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

was." Her child was a daughter, named Catherine, wh<
only lived a few days.

At once the atmosphere of the Court changed, an<

from now on it lived in a bustle of match-making, fc

father, son and daughter were all in the market. First

there was Katharine of Aragon, whose destiny was so

uncertain. The Spanish alliance brought Henry the

European position that he coveted, and he neither

wanted to risk losing it by restoring the Princess to her

parents, or to lose the chance of widening his sphere of

influence by binding Henry of York to marry her.

However, the main thing for the moment was to hold

on to Spain, so in July 1503 a dispensation for

Katharine's marriage with her husband's brother was

applied for. It only arrived in Spain in November

1504, when Isabella of Castile lay on her death-bed.

It comforted the Queen, who had been horrified at

Henry's interim proposal to marry the Princess himself.

The death of Isabella (who is always called Elizabeth in

England) and the question of the succession to Castile

opened wider plans to Henry's imagination. Already,

in 1500, Henry had had an interview with Philip of

Burgundy in St Peter's Church, outside Calais, and

Mary's marriage with Philip's son, Charles, Duke of

Luxemburg, then four months old, had been mooted,

as well as the Duke of York's to a Flemish princess.

Then, in 1505, Henry thought of marrying Margaret

of Angouleme, or her mother, Louise of Savoy, and

suggested that Mary should marry the Dauphin. 1

Henry, in his underhand way, also said she was asked

in marriage by the son of the King of Portugal, 2 but

this is doubtful. But the King in 1506 finally concen-

i L. and P. K. III. and H. VII., ii 147. 2 Ibid.

HENRY VII

FROM THE PAINTING IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY (FLEMISH SCHOOL)

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 15

trated his ambitions on Flanders and Castile, and in
1506 fortune came to him from the sea. Philip of
Burgundy and his wife Joanna, now King and Queen
of Castile, were on their way to take possession of their
new kingdom to Ferdinand of Aragon's despite, when
they were storm-driven into Weymouth harbour. Hall
says that Philip had been so battered about and sea-
sick that he insisted on landing, though his councillors
warned him that if he once put his foot on shore,
courtesy and perhaps force would demand a longer visit.
And so it turned out, for Henry sent him a cordial
invitation to visit him at Windsor, and thither went
Philip, followed later by Joanna, who showed no haste
to meet her sister Katharine. This is the occasion on
which we see the Princess Mary dancing and playing
the lute before Philip in the King's dining-room at
Windsor. " And when the King heard that the King
of Castile was coming [from his appartments in the
Castle] he went to the door of the great chamber and
there received him. . . . And so both together went
through that chamber, the King's dining chamber, and
from thence to an inner chamber where was my lady
Princess and my lady Mary, the King's daughter, and
divers other ladies. And after the King of Castile had
kissed them and communed with them, and communed
a while with the King and ladies all, they came into the
King's dining chamber, where danced my lady Princess
and a Spanish lady with her in Spanish array, and
after she had danced two or three dances she left ; and
then danced my lady Mary and an English lady with
her : and ever and anon the lady Princess desired the
King of Castile to dance, which, after he had excused
himself once or twice, answered that he was a mariner ;

16 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

'but yet/ said he, 'you would cause me to dance/
and so he danced not, but communed still with the
Kiug. And after that my lady Mary had danced two
or three dances, she went and sat by my lady Princess
on the end of the carpet which was under the cloth of
estate and near where the King and the King of Castile
stood. And then danced one of the strange lords and
a lady of England. That done, my Lady Mary played
on the lute, and after upon the claregulls, who played
very well, and she was of all folks there greatly praised
that in her youth in everything she behaved herself so
very well." 1

The upshot of this visit was a contract of marriage
between Mary and Charles, and between Henry VII.
and Philip's sister, the Duchess of Savoy, not long a
\\idow for the second time, provided the lady consented.
The lady would not consent, and Jehan le Sauvage,
President of Flanders, wrote to Maximilian, her father,
the King of the Romans, that though he had laboured
daily with her for a full month, she still decidedly
refused. 2 Again and again Maximilian, in need of
money and help against the Duke of Gueldres, pressed
his daughter to consent, if only to amuse the King
of England with promises, but she always answered
"that although an obedient daughter she will never
agree to so unreasonable a marriage." 3 So Henry
was fain in the end to be content with the marriage
of Philip's son Charles, Duke of Luxemburg, to his
daughter Mary.

September 1506 saw Henry's horizon suddenly

1 Vesp. 0, xii. 239. b., quoted in Green's " Lives of the Princesses of
England," v. 4.

2 C. S. P. Spain, i. 476. * Ibid., 480.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 17

widen. Philip of Castile died in that month. Henry
would marry his widow Joanna and control Castile.
Fortune this time favoured Ferdinand, who had been none
too well pleased by the marriage projects ; Joanna went
mad, and though Henry said he did not mind that,
seeing that she could still bear children, it gave
Ferdinand an excuse for delaying negotiations. Mad
or sane, Henry wanted to marry her, and de Puebla,
the Spanish agent in England, suggested that marriage
with such a man as Henry would restore her to
sanity. 1 Margaret of Savoy 2 had obeyed her father
in "amusing" Henry, and the King played off one
marriage against the other, telling Ferdinand that he
must decide soonabout Joanna, for Margaret of Savoy
was waiting to marry him, 3 while to Margaret he said
that there were so many other great and honourable
matches daily offered to him on all sides 4 that he could
hardly choose which to have. It is true Margaret of
Savoy had come to the Netherlands, but not as the
prospective wife of the King of England waiting to
cross the channel at his nod. She had been appointed
Governess of the Netherlands and guardian to her
nephew Charles, Prince of Castile. By her means a
treaty was concluded in 1507 with England, and the
marriage of the children was to have taken place at
once, but Henry's illness prevented it. France, Spain
and Austria were to meet at Cambrai in December
1508 for the adjustment of their claims in Italy, and
Henry, in pursuance of his policy, tried hard, by means
of Wolsey, to get the Bishop of Gurk, Maximilian's
secretary, to help him to weaken Aragon by detaching

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 511. 2 Ibid., 547.

3 Ibid., 513. 4 Ibid., 491.

i8 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

France from him, so that Ferdinand, who was
maintaining himself in a usurped Castile by French
support, would find it impossible to continue to hold
the kingdom. Henry's desires had no weight at
Cambrai, and England, having no stake in Italy, was
ignored. But on December 16, 1508, the marriage
between Charles of Castile and Mary of England was
celebrated at Richmond.

While these events were passing, Mary, to judge
by her clothes, was growing up. They became more
elaborate. Her mourning for her mother did not last
long, for in June 1503 (three months after Elizabeth's
death) she was wearing a gown of blue cloth edged
with black velvet, and another of the same colour lined
with miniver and edged with ermine. Her kirtle was
of blue damask bordered with black velvet, and her
bonnets were of " ermines powdered " and black velvet.
She tied her hair with tawny silk ribbon. Her stockings
were white, and she was now allowed 300 pins. Jane
Popincourt's allowance was practically the same ; she,
too, had a blue gown edged with black velvet, white
stockings, shoes, gloves, and pins. In the autumn
Mary had 1000 pins. Her allowance comes to two
gowns, kirtles, bonnets, etc., in the half year — not
excessive for a princess. 1

Henry VII. did not go in for unnecessary magnificence,
and Mary's trousseau, seeing she was to remain in her
father's court at his charge, was a very modest one.
Her wedding gown was of tawny cloth of gold of tissue
with wide sleeves, lined with ermine, and trimmed with
the same down the front and round the foot, and with an
ermine collar. Henry ordered for her 1600 powderings

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Eic. K.E., Bundle 415 (10).

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 19

from his own store — that is, the little black tails which
turn miniver into ermine. Her other gowns were of
purple tinsel furred with black shanks (coarse sheep's
skin), of black damask furred with the same, of crimson
velvet " purfled with purfull " (border) of crimson cloth
of gold of damask, and lined with black sarcenet,
two kirtles, a scarlet petticoat, two pairs of slippers,
six pairs of hose and a pair of night-buskins (bed-
socks) ; " a chamber stool of tymber," a basin of tin to
wash her head in, a new bowl of "tre" to make lye in
and baskets to carry the said basins in. All which
details indicate that she was to have a separate
establishment Thriftiness comes in, and she was given
a pair of sheets to cover up her gowns with. 1

She was a pretty, fair-haired child, with her father's
beautiful complexion, small for her age and looking
younger than she was. She had good manners and moved
gracefully. By December 17 she was word-perfect in her
part of the ceremony, which was more than the Prince's
proxy was, and had been thoroughly well coached in her
demeanour. The marriage was to take place at Eichmond,
in what had been Queen Elizabeth's room, called Mary's
for the moment. There on that Sunday morning the
Flemish ambassador, Lord de Berghes, who was to be
Charles' proxy, the Governor of Bresse, Dr Sploncke,
and Jehan le Sauvage, President of Flanders, with the
Flemish nobles who had come to see the show, met the
English Court. They waited, first for the King, who
soon came in from the next room and engaged the
ambassadors in pleasant and courteous conversation, and
then for Mary, who did not keep them waiting long.
Preceded by the Princess of Wales and her ladies, she

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.R., Bundle 416 (7).

/

2o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

entered and went to the high place prepared for her, and
there stood alone under the golden cloth of estate. The
ceremony began by speeches from the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the President of Flanders, and these
ended, with " due reverence in most humble maner
shewed and doon by the said Lord Barges with most
efTectuous recommendacion made on the behalf of the
Prynce of Castile, he then, takynge my sayd lady by
the hande and eftsones declaryng thauctoritie geven
unto him to contract matrymony with hir for and in the
name of the sayde yonge Prynce, rehersed and uttred at
the informacion of the sayd president the wordes of
parfect matrymonye per verba de presenti whiche were
before substancially devysed, put in writyng, and by the
said lorde Barges then spoken and uttred, lyke as the said
president redde theym to hym. And that doon, the
hands withdrawen and dysclosed as the maner is, the
Kynge's sayd daughter, eftsones takyng the sayd Lord
Barges by the hande, with mooste sadde and pryncely
countenance, havynge noo maner of persone to reherse
the wordes of matrymonye to hir uttred, spake parfittely
and distinctly in the frensche tonge by a long circum-
stance the wordes of matrymonye for hir partie, which
by reason of the rehersall of his commission were veraye
longe. Howbeit she spake the same without any basshing
of countenance, stoppe or interrupcion therin in any
behalfe ; which thynge caused dyverse and many, as wel
nobles as other, then beying present and herynge the
same, not oonly to mervayle but also in suche wyse to
rejoyse that for extreme contente and gladnes the terys
passed out of theyr ies.

"After prolacion and utterance of which wordes ye sayd
lord Barges, as procuratour to the sayde yonge Prynce,

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 21

for corroboracion and confirmation of the sayde contract,
not oonly subscrybed wrytyng conteignynge the wordes
of matrymonye by hym uttred, lyke as my forsayed ladye
dyde also for her partie, but also the sayd lorde in
reverent maner kyssed the sayd ladye Marye and put
a Kyng of Gold on hir finger, and in wyttenesse and
testy monye of the sayd contract there were two notaries
there beynge present requyred on both parties to make
instruments upon the same. And all the lordes, ladyes
and nobles heryng and seying the premysses then and
there were desyred to bere wytnesse thereunto." * The
ambassadors brought with them jewels for Mary ; one
from Emperor Maximilian containing an orient ruby and
a large and fair diamond garnished with large pearls ;
another from the young prince, a K for Karolus
garnished with diamonds and pearls engraved with these
words, — " Maria optimam partem elegit quae non
auferetur ab ea " : and a third from the Duchess of
Savoy, a goodly balas (ruby) garnished with pearls.
The ambassadors also carried a prim little letter from
Charles to his " wife " with the date left blank, and on
December 18, it was sent to Mary.

" Ma bonne campaigne, Le plus cordialement que je
puis a vo[tre] bonne grace me recommander. J'ai
charge le s re de Bergh[es] et autres mes ambassadeurs
ordonnez pardeca vous deviser [la] disposition de ma
personne et de mes affaires, vous priant l[es] vouloir
croire et par eux me faire savoir de votre sante [et]
bonnes nouvelles qui est la chose que plus je desire [que]

1 Pynson's Tract : " The solempnities and triumphs doon and made
at the spousells of the King's daughter," printed by the Roxburghe
Club.

Donee MSS., No. 198, Bodleian Library.

Carmeliani Carmen, Grenville Library, B.M.

22 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

sect le benoit filz de dieu auquel je prie ma bonne
compfaigne] vous donner par sa grace ce que desirez.

"A Malines xviii [in a different hand] jour de
decembre.

V re bon mary,

Charles." 1

The marriage was regarded by the Burgundian party
in Flanders as a bulvyark against France, and an
enthusiastic poet sang —

Reveillez vous cueurs endormis
Qui des Anglois estes amys
Chantons Dame Maria.

La Thoisan d'or et les pourpris
Des Chasteaulx, Aigles et des litz
Joyra Dame Maria.

Marie fille du vray litz
Henry septiesme Eoy de pris
Prince sur tous les Princes,

Delyvreia de grans ennuys
Tout Flandres de ses ennemys,
Remontant les Eglises.

And so on through eight stanzas, the chorus being the
opening one.

Henry did not long enjoy his triumph, and the last
months of bis life, secure now in the marriage with
Castile, he spent in increasing the discomfort and
misery in which he had kept the Princess of Wales
for the last six years. He again postponed her
marriage with Henry, and Katharine wrote in despair
to her father that " it was impossible for her to endure
any longer what she has gone through and is still

1 MS. Galba B. iii. fol. 109.

CHILDHOOD AND BETROTHAL 23

suffering from the unkindness of Henry, especially since
he has disposed of his daughter in marriage to the Prince
of Castile, and therefore imagines he has no longer
any need 1 of" Ferdinand. Henry died on April 21,
1509, and by his will, dated at Canterbury, April 10,
Mary is provided for as follows : " And whereas
we for the dot and marriage of our said daughter, over
and above the cost of her traduction into the parties
of Flanders, and furnishing of plate, and other her
array ments for her person, jewels and garnishings for
her chamber, which will extend to no little sum nor
charge, must pay and content to the said prince of
Spain the sum of fifty thousand pounds in ready money
at certain dates expressed in the said treaty. . . . And
in case it so fortune, as God defend, that the said
marriage by the death of the said Prince of Castile, or
by any other chance or fortune whatsoever it be, take
not effect, but utterly dissolve and break, or that our
said daughter be not married by us in our life, nor
after the same have sufficient provision for her dot
and marriage by the said three Estates, we then wol
that our said daughter may have for her marriage fifty
thousand pounds payable of our goods. ... So and
in none otherwise that in her said marriage she be ruled
and ordered by the advice and consent of our said son
the Prince, his council and our said Executors ; and so
that she be married to some noble Prince out of this
our Realm."

After her father's death Mary's life went on in much
the same way as before, only to a faster note, for her
brother was young, and her grandmother, the only check
on the new fashions, died within a year of Henry. As

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 603.

24 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the time fixed for the consummation of her marriage
approached she was given a schoolmaster in the French
tongue. It is to be presumed that it was only in the
year 1512 * that John Palsgrave became her master, for
up to that date there is no mention of a schoolmaster
in the accounts. Moreover, Palsgrave, in his book
* Lesclarcissement de la lange Francoyse,' says that it
was Henry VIII. who commissioned him " to instruct the
right excellent princess your most dear and entirely
beloved sister, queen Mary dowager of France, in the
French tongue." Palsgrave writes himself down as
" Natyf de Londres and gradue de Paris," and he pro-
duced in 1530 the first French grammar for Englishmen.
Henry had had as French master Giles Du Wys, called
his luter in 1501, 2 and he had a "clear and perfect
sight " in the language, but Mary had only had
Jane Popincourt. Still, she must have known a little
French, for, as has been seen, she had been able to
recite her marriage contract in that language without
a stammer. But much was to happen before Mary
crossed the sea to speak the French she learnt from
Master John Palsgrave.

1 Book of King's payments, Exc. T.K., 215, f. 223 ; L. and P. H. VIII.,
ii. (part ii.), p. 1459.

2 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.K., Bundle 415 (10).

H

CHAPTER II

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS

ENRY VII. on his death-bed saw clearly that
his policy of thwarting Ferdinand and
seizing the government of Castile in favour
of his son-in-law was not one which could be followed
out by an inexperienced prince, and much as he dis-
trusted Aragon, he knew it would be better that his son
should have him for a friend at the outset than be
entangled at once in his rancorous schemes. The prince
must buy his own experience, and Henry's advice to
him was to marry Katharine with all convenient speed,
for naturally she could not remain a hostage in the
young's King's hands as she had in those of his father.
With the King's death dropped the policy of peace at
any price, for his son was of the new age, eager to join
in the battles of Europe and rich enough to afford him-
self the gratification of military glory. More than once
his father, distrusting all men, had fought for peace
with his back to the wall, but Henry VIII. , who dreamed
of entering Paris at the head of a victorious army,
regarded distrust of Spain as a mere maggot in the
paternal brain, and, with the wealth of the greatest
pawnbroker in Europe at his back, was eager to take
the offensive against France.

For the first three years of his reign the King, new-
married and happily, was guided by his father-in-law,

25

26 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

and was merely a tool in his hands, and in spite of John
Stile's warning from Valladolid, Henry did not doubt
his goodwill. In order to understand Ferdinand's
policy it must be borne in mind that he was influenced
by a fear which overhung all his dealings with his allies
and his enemies — the fear that Castile would rise
against him in favour of its prince. Philip's order to
void the country within twenty days l was never for-
gotten, and he lived in hope that Charles might never
emerge from a sickly boyhood, for though his daughter,
Philip's widow, was a negligible quantity, his grandson,
alas, was not. The greater part of Ferdinand's revenues
were said to be derived from Castile. He made war and
carried his arms into Italy, Africa and France at her
expense, but legally his only status there was that of
regent for his daughter, Queen Joanna, who existed at
Tordesillas, watching there for the resurrection in ten
years of her dead husband, Philip, and was, "of no
sadness nor wisdom more than a young child and very
feeble." 2 Her hysteria had been allowed to develop
into clear craziness. Ferdinand trusted none of the
Castilian nobles, who feared that his amity with Henry
and the latter's marriage with Katharine would deprive
them of English help for their prince. After the
ratification of the marriage between Mary and Charles,
he took into his own hands as precaution all the castles
of Galicia, 3 for many of the nobles, like Gonsalvo the
great captain, had offered their services secretly to the
Emperor for their prince, and Ferdinand feared that
Maximilian's success in Northern Italy might preface
the revolt of Naples and Sicily to the Prince of Castile.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4058 ; Vesp. C. i. 86.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56. 3 Ibid.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 2f

England had been ruled out of the Treaty of Cambrai as
not having a stake in Italy, and now Ferdinand wanted
to keep her neutral till it suited his convenience. So he
proclaimed himself Henry's faithful friend, brother and
ally, and said that he accounted all causes belonging to
Henry, and himself, and the Queen's grace and the Lady
Mary, his noble sister, and the Prince of Castile, as one
thing and cause without variance, and that he governed
Castile solely for the weal of the prince, " the whych ys
and schalbe hys eyre of all hys landys after hys decesse."
It was to be a nice little family party, with Ferdinand
as paternal despot. He had not the faintest idea in
the world of making Charles, whom he hated, his uni-
versal heir, but in the wisdom of John Stile, the English
agent in Spain, " wordes maye be spoken wythe dys-
symulacyon." 1 There was, however, discord in the
family. Ferdinand declared that though there was no-
open breach between him and the Emperor, there was
" a little grudge and variance for the governacyon of the
realm of Castile," in which the Emperor was unreason-
able, and he trusted Maximilian would soon be reformed
with reason. At this moment he was working for some
modus Vivendi with him concerning this " governacyon,"
and that once arranged, he intended to make common
cause with him against France, whose Italian conquests
were causing Spain great uneasiness. He made all his
dealings with the Low Countries depend on this settle-
ment, and refused to pay Lady Margaret's jointure, long
in arrears, and other pensions owing to Flemish subjects,
till that was settled. If the Emperor's future wa&
unprosperous in Italy, Margaret was to have a slack
answer, but if Maximilian sped prosperously, then
1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56.

28 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Margaret might have her jointure on condition that
she negotiated the amity between the Emperor and
Aragon. 1

With France, as may be seen, Ferdinand did not
mean to break till it served his purpose. In John
Stile's words : — " as touching to the French King that he
[Ferdinand] also intendeth for to continue in amity
with him, as long as that your highness and your good-
father shall think standeth with the honours and profits
of your highnesses, and no longer nor otherwise ; the
King your good-father being joyous and glad that your
highness is in amity and good peace with all Christian
princes, and his majesty not counselling nor advising
your highness as yet for to move any war unto any
outward prince, unless that great causes should move
your highness there unto." 2 Verily a treaty solemnly
sworn to on the Gospels and in sight of the Host was
but a cloak to hide new sins against the amity ! In
his great desire to keep his son-in-law entirely in his
own pocket, and to forward this present policy, he had
great difficulty in finding an ambassador to send to the
English court : a natural Castilian was openly for the
prince, an Aragonese for the French, and he ended
by sending Luis Carroz, who was well tarred with
his master's stick.

After the contract at Cambrai the French, with their
usual quick resoluteness, were first in the field in Italy,
but their successes, culminating in the battle of Agna-
dello, 14th May 1509, and the capture of the Venetian
general d'Alviano, delighted no one but Maximilian,
who hoped to find his opportunity in the weakness of
the Venetians, and besieged Padua. The other members

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56. 2 Ibid.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 29

of the League, Ferdinand and the Pope, feared both
French and Emperor, and the one tore his beard
and secretly received at Rome the Venetian envoys
asking for help, while the other, who already saw
Maximilian holding Naples for his grandson, allowed
the Venetians to use his ships, and sent provisions from
Naples to Venice, to re victual Padua. "II cherchait
tenir toujours l'Empereur si bas qu'il ne pourroit lever
la tete," grumbled Gattinare to Margaret, 1 but all the
same to break with "ce marrano" would draw in its
train trouble with Gueldres and difficulty in getting
payment of the duchess's jointure, so those on the
gangway between the Empire and France had to sit
quietly waiting on opportunity. At this moment
Maximilian was the only member of the League who
was pursuing a single aim. He wanted to crush the
Venetians. Ferdinand, while ostensibly trying to bring
about an understanding with Maximilian, was secretly
practising against him, and Louis XII. , at whose court
Imperial, Burgundian and Spanish ambassadors were
squabbling over their masters' affairs, was supposed
to be furthering this amity between Ferdinand and
Maximilian, but all the while was secretly moving
against it. He said, for Maximilian had been rebuffed
before Padua, that it was not a fair moment to treat, for
" un homme recule ne fait jamais appointtement a son
proflte, et que si Ton veult faire bon appointtement
il la fault faire la lance sur la cuisse." 2 Just what
Maximilian could not do. " Je ne scay quel Diable
fait ses affairs si malheureux," 3 said the exasperated
Burgundian agent De Burgo. However, by December
24 an understanding had been arranged between

1 Lettres de Louis XII., i. 189. 2 Ibid., 218. 3 Ibid., 231.

30 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the grandparents of Charles, and amity concluded.
Naples was secured to Aragon, so far as Maximilian
was concerned, and Ferdinand began to weave his
web round France.

He begged Henry, but secretly, for fear of the French
getting wind of it (for the Spanish ambassador in
France said that the French had their spies in England,
and nothing was spoken in London but straightway it
was known in Paris), to try and conclude a league
between England, the Emperor, Spain, Flanders ;
Portugal would join, and Spain would be secure, no
stab in the back for her. Henry must write to
Julius II. and ask him to join, " so that the said
amity and lyage may be made and established
before the French King shall have knowledge of the
same." For, he lisped to John Stile through his
lost front tooth, such a noble league came by the
great power and mercy of Almighty God, as did
the accord and amity between the Emperor and
himself, so that the French King should not attain
unto his cruel purpose to destroy and subdue all the
countries of Italy. Under such high patronage he
foresaw no difficulty in reconciling the Venetians and
the Emperor, for simultaneous inspired advice from
England, Spain and Rome was to make the Venetians
restore to the Emperor all that they had of his, and
Louis was to find himself alone and at bay before the
kings of Europe. In order to bring Henry's interests j
into the ring, Ferdinanpl emphasized the subtle policy
of France, for, victorious in North Italy, she would turn
her arms against the South, and wrest Naples from the
crown of Castile and Aragon. All the same, till the
-establishment of this great league he ordered Henry to

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 31

pass the time with the French King in goodly terms —
in fact, to do as did his father-in-law, and always lean
to the best advantage. 1 So the English ambassadors at
Rome were hand in glove with the Venetians, and daily
plotted with them and the Aragonese to the great
prejudice of the league of Cambrai. 2

Time now revealed the weak point in Ferdinand's
calculations. Maximilian would not be won over, and
in spite of English and Aragonese practices Venice would
not give up her conquests. So that the rotten rags of
the league of Cambrai had to be patched together,
and Ferdinand told Henry that he must give all aid to
the kings of the league to destroy the Venetians. But
whatever you do, live in peace with France, is the
chorus of all his letters. How to do this while the
Duchess of Savoy was asking persistently for help
against the Duke of Gueldres, 3 and the Scots were buy-
ing guns 4 in the Netherlands ? France was backing
Gueldres as usual with men and money, and in reply to
the complaints of the Flemish agents, Louis XII. only
shook his head over " ce mauvais sujet" of a duke and
wished the devi] might fly away with him for a disturber
of the peace. Margaret must make what terms she
could, so she turned to England. Henry was arming
and preparing for events. He bought forty-eight guns
from Hans Popenruyter, the gunfounder at Malines, 5
and was to have them as cheap as the prince, said
Margaret, who seized those bought by the Scots and
resold them to Henry. 6 She said distinctly, however, that

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 796 ; Vesp. C. i. 43.

2 Lettres de Louis XII., ii. 96.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 922 ; Galba B. iii. 5.

4 Ibid., i. 924 ; Galba B. iii. 5.

6 Ibid., i. 794 ; Galba B. iii. « md., i. 922.

32 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

she would neither be party to the league with Aragon
against France nor persuade her father thereto unless
Henry promised help against Gueldres. 1 To defend the
Flemish border against Gueldres was a left-handed way
of making war on France, and Ferdinand would not
approve. So Henry followed his " good-father's " advice
and imitated him, and in April accepted the Golden
Rose from Julius II., 2 while two months later he confirmed
the treaty made with France in March 1910. 3 If
Henry was Ferdinand in miniature, " Julius was Julius
indeed," and in August a letter from him to Henry was
intercepted by the French. Its contents were forwarded
to Henry by Maximilian, who denied the truth of the
Pope's statement that he and Ferdinand had entered into
a league with the Papacy against France. This was
only the Pope's evil plan to assist the Venetians u au
contraire de la ligue de nous tous rois car les dits
Veniciens ont gagne ses mignons et privez conseillers." *
Louis XII. now wrote to James IV. of Scotland to
remind him of the ancient league between their
countries. 5 Henry, still passing the time with all
parties, told the Pope he would join the league when
Maximilian and Ferdinand did : 6 then he wrote to the
Council of the Cardinals at Milan, supporters of and
supported by France and Maximilian, promising assist-
ance in settling 7 the perplexities of the Church ; and
almost in the same breath he promised Ferdinand one
thousand archers. 8 Hence Sir Robert Wingfield, am-

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 923 ; Galba B. iii. 7.

2 Ibid., i. 976. 3 Ibid., i. 1105.

4 Lettres de Louis XII., ii. 5.

5 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 1407 ; R. MS. 13, B. ii. 52, B.M.
fi Ibid., i. 1457 ; Vitell. B. ii. 18.

7 Ibid., i. 1581 ; Vitell. B. ii. 11. 8 Ibid., i. 1622 ; Vesp. C. i, 18.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 33

bassador to the Emperor, was taken aback and perplexed
by the demand that Henry should countenance the
General Council at Pisa and the articles devised against
the Pope which were set forward in the name of the
Emperor and the French King, and he told the bishop
of Gurk that the King would gladly have known the
Emperor's mind before the imperial foot had been so
far in the bushel. 1 The crux of the situation was
Maximilian's attitude towards the Venetians, whose
terms of peace he refused. Neither would he have
aught to do with Pope or Aragon against France.
Margaret, however, came to the rescue, for peace negotia-
tions with Gueldres on the basis of the Duke's marriage
with the Archduchess Isabeau, 2 sister to the Prince of
Castile, had come to nothing, as they were meant to.
She was still anxious for Henry's support in Flanders,
and as the price he exacted was the alliance, she threw
into that scale her influence with her father. So long,
however, as the rumour ran that Ferdinand intended to
put the crown of Naples on the head of the bastard of
the Archbishop of Saragossa, to the prejudice of the
Prince of Castile, Maximilian refused to have any-
thing to do with him, 3 and Margaret wrote that until
this suspicion was weeded from her father's mind, the
League of the Holy Trinity, symbolized by the three
princes, would never take place. Ferdinand's answer
was to send the bastard to Malines as hostage. 4 In
the naive blasphemy of the age Ferdinand and Henry
were the father and son, so that the Third Person was
the one symbolized by Maximilian. Louis XII. was

1 L. and P. H. VIII., 1681 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 15.

2 Ibid., i. 1417. 3 Lettres de Louia XII., ii. 154.
4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3361 ; Galba B. iii. 11.

3

34 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

watching Margaret, and, thanks to the French party in
the Flemish Council and French merchants married to
Englishwomen as spies in England, he lacked no news.
He warned her that he had been told of her league, but
affected not to believe the gossip. 1 However, by July
he knew the truth, for Margaret's efforts had borne fruit
for her gathering, and Henry, as hansel-money for the
future league, sent Sir Edward Ponynges and 1500
archers 2 into the Low Countries to help Castile against
Gueldres. " Je suis adverty," said Louis XII. to
Andreas de Burgo, " que ma cousine m'a fort pique* en
Angleterre," and added one to the score against his
former playmate. Matters moved secretly till October,
when the Holy League against France between the
Pope, Aragon and Venice was published, by which
Ferdinand was to find the men and the other two
the money for chasing the French from Lombardy.
England joined it [November 151 1], 8 and now France
had but one ally, whom she was exceedingly nervous
about losing, and tried to steady by the offer of a marriage
between Ren^e of France and the Archduke Ferdinand,
brother to Charles. Maximilian coquetted with the
league, and by the end of the year rumour had it that
his ambassador, the ubiquitous Gurk, had already taken
his lodging in Venice at St Paul's, and that Louis might
make mince-meat of his duchy. 4

At the French Court nothing was talked of but the
possibility of an English invasion : 25,000 men said
spies, " prets a monter en mer " and invade by Calais
at any moment : and Louis was so irritable and

1 Lettres de Louis XII., ii 289.

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 523.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 1967. 4 Lettres de Louia XII., iii. 103.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 35

depressed that the whole Court was profoundly dis-
couraged, 1 for Aragon and England were like to be two
prongs in the back of the country. True, Gueldres could
be loosed again on Flanders and the Scots on England,
but the adage then as now was true, and vicarious
warfare was seldom satisfactory. The old weapon of
supporting a pretender to the English throne, blunt,
rusty, and out of date as it had so rapidly become, re-
appeared, and Eichard de la Pole, Captain of Almains, 2
was styled and treated as King of England in France. 3
A lean, blackavised French priest with a crooked eye-
brow, Louis' faithful spy, 4 carried the correspondence
between Pole and his family, which eventually led
to the execution of Earl Edmund in the Tower. The
taking of Brescia by the Duke of Nemours [February
1512] cheered up the French Court, and by April, when
the English King-at-arms arrived with Henry's defiance,
? not in his coat but clad like a gentleman/' the English
scarce had almost become vieux je% and the country
had regained its poise. Henry said he had no choice
but to make war in aid of his allies, the Pope and
Aragon, and Louis replied if that was all, he did it with
little reason. Still, the French King hoped to keep
Margaret and the Emperor out of the alliance, while
the English agents in Flanders were working hard to
bring them within it, and to keep them to the old amity.
The Governess of the Netherlands had one idea all
through, the crushing of Gueldres, whose thieving raids
and besieging excursions kept the eastern border in a
state of harried poverty. The duke claimed sovereign

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iii. ]01.

■ L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3584 ; Vesp. C, i. 60.

3 Ibid., i. 3320 ; Calig. B. vi. 65.

i Ibid. i i. 4328; Galba B. iii. 113.

36 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

rights which Flanders did not recognize, and France
had always found it paid to support him. In conse-
quence of the dual suzerainty, Imperial and French, to
the Burgundian provinces, there were always two parties
in the Flemish Council, the French and the Burgundian,
or, as it was now, the English. The Burgundian was
Margaret's party, and she over-rode the opposition
of the French sympathizers, but she could not prevent
their clogging the execution of her purposes by secret
intrigues with France. Louis gave up all hope of
detaching her from the English. Maximilian, on the
other hand, was, in his fickleness, surer game than his
daughter, for though in June [1512] he dismissed the
French ambassadors from Brussels, telling them that if
they would not go when they could, they should not
when they would, 1 in October he was practising with
Louis at Cologne.

Between these months much happened to the un-
fortunate English ambassadors who were attempting to i
finish the negotiations begun with the Emperor in May.
First Maximilian dismissed the French ambassadors.
That looked hopeful. Then he refused to allow the
gentlemen of Flanders to serve in Henry's army. Next |
he demanded 100,000 crowns of gold down on declaring
war with France, and said that the Pope or Aragon would ,
willingly give him as much. He knew his worth to the
league ! Then he departed suddenly, saying the whole |
business was safe in his daughter's hands. Now began
endless delays. Margaret had no formal commission : *
she did not think her father would be pleased to find
himself in the same boat as the Venetians [the veriest abc

i L. and P/'H. VIII., i. 3271 ; Galba B. iii. 31.
2 Ibid., i. 3291 ; Galba B. iv. 33.

MAXIMILIAN;

I R( >M THE PAINTIX

EMIEROR OF GERMANY

I'.Y ALRRECHT DURER A'l' VIENNA

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 37

of dealing with Maximilian] ; and the real reason was
that by means of Duke George of Saxony, Gueldres had
proposed a truce with the Emperor which Margaret was
willing to accept. So the Governor of Bresse and the
Count de Berghes, both Margaret's adherents in the
council, fought shy 1 of Sir Edward Ponynges and Sir
Thomas Boleyn, and the stomach of the English was
much diminished by waiting. Margaret, " a perfect friend
to England," suggested, after a couple of months' waiting,
that they should fee the Emperor's secretaries to keep
her commission in his memory, 2 and a fortnight later
she asked Sir Thomas if he would lay a wager on its
soon coming. Gladly, said he, and they shook hands
on it ; a courser of Spain to an English hobby. 3 The
Emperor's secretaries wanted to know the form the
commission was to take. The English said the same as
at Cambrai ; 4 that is, full powers to treat, and no doubt
Margaret wanted that too, for when it did come in
restricted form, at the beginning of September (though
it was dated August 2 at Cologne) for a whole day she
was so cross that the ambassadors could not see her. 5
On September 4 they discussed the treaty, which was
confined to Henry and Maximilian ; Flanders was to be
neutral. The English said the Imperial alliance alone was
dear at 150,000 ducats, and Henry refused to treat save
on the previous understanding, which included Flanders.
All this time the English army, sent to Guienne to
invade France according to the treaty of the Holy League
of November 1511, had been idly kicking its heels and

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3306 ; Galba B. iii. 35d.

2 Ibid., i. 3331 ; Galba B. iii. 37.

3 Ibid., i. 3370 ; Galba B. iii. 40d.

4 Ibid., i. 3387 ; Galba B. iii. 43.

6 Ibid., i. 3396 ; Galba B. iii. 43d.

3% MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

waiting for Ferdinand to co-operate for the recovery of
the province. But Ferdinand did nothing, and the
men, wearied with idleness and worn by lack of victuals
in a disorderly camp, mutinied and returned home in-
gloriously in the Autumn 1 [1512]. In October, how-
ever, there came rumours from the Bishop of Liege, 2 the
centre of French influence in the Low Countries, of the
defeat of the French in the south, and Maximilian broke
off negotiations with Louis and turned to the English,
with the result that Gueldres broke again across the
Maas, with " good effect, for the inhabitants were in a
manner fast asleep and are now awake." 3 The Duke's
French reinforcements had an encounter with the
Liegeois, and Maximilian himself was nearly kidnapped
on his way from Cologne by the Duke's men, disguised
as Burgundians. 4 But news of the impotence of the
English excursion into Guienne soon became public
property, and their undisciplined and disgraceful retreat
was the joke of Court and camp. Margaret was
annoyed for two reasons : the first that Gueldres was
very active and that French negotiations had been
broken off, and the second that the rich English were
but reeds to lean on. So when in October Henry
refused to pay 50,000 crowns for entertaining the Swiss
against the French, 5 and asked that the Emperor's
subjects (in the Low Countries) should be prevented
from serving the French, the President of Bresse replied
that Maximilian had prevented one thousand Swiss
from taking French service, " which answer was so
colorably made that a man might savour the color of it

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3451 ; Vesp. C, i. 81.

2 Ibid., i. 3435 ; Galba B. iii. 4Sd.

3 Ibid., i. 3446 ; Galba B. iii. 49. 4 Ibid., i. 3489 ; Galba B. iii. 52b.
5 Ibid., i. 3469 : Galba B. iii. 51.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 39

all the chamber." Then my Lady Margaret spoke
" with a qualm of a little melancholy about her stomach "
[Ponynges' way of saying she was in a great rage], " if
ye be disposed to delay it [the treaty] we shall defer it
as well as you," saying besides, that " Englishmen had
so long abstained from war that they lacked experience
from disuse and it was reported that they were now
weary of it." She wrote to her father in this mood and
caused more delays, 1 and when the ambassadors remon-
strated, she said openly to them, "Where had we been now
if this confederation had been concluded between your
master and us ? " 2 All fair promises and sweet words,
but no deeds, were to be found at Malines. From
Scotland came the gibe that the English soldiers could
not easily be induced to invade France or Gueldres after
their Biscayan experience, 3 and though Henry declared
that the return of the army was sanctioned by the King
of Aragon and himself because of the constant rains in
Guienne, and " the intolerable pains of the soldiers of
our said army, which in the barren country had per-
severantly lain in the fields," 4 no one believed his report
The joke of the thing is, that, as a matter of fact, from
September to January there reigned superb weather in
Biscay that year. 5 Ferdinand said he believed that
Henry had given secret orders for the return. 6 But the
supreme insult came from Maximilian, who proposed that
the command of the English army in France should
be handed over to him while Henry remained in
England. The Emperor counselled the King not to stir

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3500 ; Galba B. iii. 526.

2 Ibid., i. 3555 ; Galba B. iii. 54.

3 Ibid., i. 3631, R. MS., 13 B. ii. 776.

4 Ibid., i. 3555 ; Galba B. iii. 54. 5 Ibid., i. 3614 ; Vesp. C, i. 69.
6 Ibid., i. 3662 ; Vesp. C, i. 24.

40 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

out of his country, but to keep the people in awe and
bridle the Scots. 1 He would take command for 100,000
crowns. Nothing more was needed to increase Henry's
war fever. He had a bull from Julius II. 2 granting
indulgence to those who served in the holy war against
France ; his agents were already in Italy buying armour,
for the Frescobaldi had made a corner of it in Milan ; 3
in Zeeland, collecting ships for the passage, where they
bid against the French ; 4 in Flanders, buying horses and
feeing men. 5 At home Wolsey was busy with military
organization and his schemes for a more efficient com-
missariat and transport, while Henry and Admiral
Howard, following the admiral's advice, "for no cost
sparyng, let provision be maad : for it is a weel-spent
peny that saveth the pownd," 6 were working to bring
the navy up to some sort of fighting standard. And
into this busy Court, full of young men dreaming of
loot and military glory, and enthusiastic old men like
Sir Gilbert Talbot, who, having served Henry's father
and grandfather, was now " minded so sore and purposed
to have served the King's grace and in this journey,
that I almost forgot God and set my heart on none other
thing, but only how I might best serve his grace at this
time," 7 came Maximilian's proposal. Gueldres saved
the situation. His activity, veiled by renewed offers of
truce, 8 inclined Margaret to the English as a poor prop,
but her only one, and many Flemish nobles offered their
services to Henry. 9

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3648 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 27.

2 Ibid., i. 3602 ; Rymer's Fcedera, xiii. 343.

3 Ibid., i. 3658 ; Vitell. B. ii. 20. 4 Ibid., i. 3678 ; Galba B. iii. 98.

5 Ibid., i. 3731 ; Galba B. iii. 64. 6 Ibid., i. 3877 ; Calig, D. vi. 337.

7 Ibid., i. 4021. 8 Ibid., i. 3651 ; Galba B. iii. 96.

» Ibid., i. 3731 ; Galba B. iii. 64.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 41

The final ruin to Henry's faith in his allies was to
come very soon, and of it he was warned by John Stile
from Valladolid. Ferdinand made a truce with the
French for one year. It came about this way. The
Emperor and the Pope, despairing of accommodation with
the Swiss, had made a league together to the great dis-
pleasure of Aragon, who, oddly enough, in view of what
followed, resented that any league should be made sud-
denly without his consent or England's. He also feared
that such league would cause the Venetians to adjoin
themselves to the French, and of a likelihood with the
Turks, so that Louis would be stronger than ever. Anne
of Brittany, the French Queen, was anxious for a Cis-
alpine peace, and as a means to this end wanted to ignore
English rights and marry the Princess Kene^e to Charles
of Castile, with the duchy of Brittany as dowry. 1
Ferdinand told Stile a fisher's tale 2 about his having
dispatched the Provincial of the Grey Friars to England
by way of France to be Queen Katharine's confessor, and
that on his way he had been taken prisoner and carried to
Blois, and that Anne had had him released and sent him
back to Spain, carrying a letter of peace to the Queen of
Aragon. All which ta]e was but nutshells, for the return
of the Provincial with the letter was preached in open
pulpit by a friar of his own order, who admonished the
people to pray for peace. Ferdinand grasped at the pro-
posed truce as a moment in which to gain strength to carry
out his original plan for the complete isolation of France
and the annexation of Navarre. So in devious pursuit
of this plan, on March 16, 1513, new articles to the
treaty with Aragon were signed in London, and Henry
was again bled, and at Malines the Aragonese ambassador

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3752. 2 Ibid., i. 3766 ; Vesp. C, i. 30.

42 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

attempted to rid the Flemish council of Chievres and
the French party and replace them with people more
agreeable to his master, 1 while at Valladolid John Stile was
told positively that the truce between France and Aragon
was accomplished. 2 All fair writing and slack deeds in
Spain also, "for the Spaniards," said Stile, " are by nature
so hasty and envious to all strangers that they despise
every man."

Ferdinand did not succeed in ousting the French party
at Malines, and it continued to grumble at the English
in Zeeland, where it said they only made war on the
Flemish and were so dull that they let French vessels
pass unchallenged. 3 Lord Chievres, the head of it, made
tremendous capital out of a carack belonging to one
Andreas Scarella, the Sta Maria de Loretto, 4 which had
been sold in Zeeland to the French, but the English got
wind of the transaction and lifted her, cargo and all.
The council said this interference was grossly impertinent,
and were hot and intemperate over the matter, and not
at all repentant for their " seditious " ways in favouring
the French King, which made it impossible to conserve
their ports and havens as Henry would have liked.
They said they could do that well enough for them-
selves without troubling the English. Henry had
laid an embargo on all trade between the Low Countries
and France, and he now offered if this matter were
dropped to allow them to resume their trade under
" letters testimonials," English captains to have the
right of search. 5 However, in spite of the strength of
the French party, on March 16 Maximilian, with a final

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 3805 ; Galba B. iii. 67.

2 JW&, i. 3807 ; Vesp. C, i. 50.

3 Ibid., i. 3817 ;; Galba B. iii. 104.

4 Ibid., i. 3973. b Ibid., i. 3836 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 36.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 43

haggle over the rate of exchange, signed the treaty with
Henry, who steadily refused to have any Swiss in his
pay, saying that his army was so powerful that he hoped
to lead it to Paris, "especially our father of Aragon
making war against our said enemy." Next month,
April, Henry knew of his father-in-law's perfidy, 1 but he
passed the time in Spanish fashion, and went the length
of forcing Ferdinand's ambassador to sign the treaty of
the Holy League, concluded at Malines on April 5, 2 by
which the Pope was to invade Dauphiny ; the Emperor,
the trans- Alpine provinces ; Henry, Picardy, Normandy
and Aquitane ; Ferdinand, Bearne and Languedoc.
Luis Carroz swore to it publicly in St Paul's on April
25, 3 and then wrote to Spain that in spite of Ferdinand's
secret orders he had been forced to do so for fear of the
consequences of refusal. 4

As was to be expected, the Emperor, who quivered to
every wind, again wavered at news of this Franco-
Spanish truce. The news had reached him spiced (by
Ferdinand) with the lie that Henry was privy to it, and
though Wingfield indignantly told him that Henry was
not " so light or of so little resolution to arm him at all
pieces and then call for a pillow," 5 he said that if Henry
entered the truce he would also. However, in the end,
stiffened by resentment and by the English attitude, he
definitely ordered his subjects in the Low Countries to
serve Henry, and the Count de Ligny and others took
service.

All this time the English had been skirmishing with

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 3766 and 4267 ; Vesp. C, i. 30 and 40.

2 Ibid., i. 3859, R.

3 Ibid., i. 3861 ; Rymer's Fcedera, xiii. 363.

4 Ibid., i. 4267 ; Vesp. C, i. 40.

6 Ibid., i. 4069 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 39.

44 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the French in the Calais Pale 1 and the Welshmen of the
garrison had done some damage. Sampson Norton, the
head of the arsenal, had been taken prisoner, and the
French party at Malines tried to prevent his exchange. 2
The English fleet had been exercising in the channel in
March, a brave show, and now letter packets need not
be dropped overboard to save them from French hands. 3
In April the organization of the land forces was
approaching something like order, and the fleet was
sailing along the coast of Brittany, which Howard
hoped to make a desert for many a year, looking for
the enemy. Never was such a navy seen, and Prejan
and his French fleet dare not hove in sight, so the
gallant admiral went to find them and his death. But
if French ships were not in evidence in the channel,
French agents were thick in Flanders. The Count de
Ligny was balked in raising troops for England by a
" lord bearing a French order," 4 who warned the towns
against him as a favourer of the English, and Louis
told the Ghentois they would rue any help they gave.
Sir Robert Wingfield, carrying the treaty from Brussels
to the Emperor at Trier for ratification, found that
" French crowns fly far," 5 and twice on his journey
he barely escaped ambuscades. The second one was
laid by the son of Robert de la Marck, who a week
before had taken four Englishmen to his father's castle
at Hesdin. The Franco-Spanish truce was soon
common property, and Margaret had an anxious moment,
but she was relieved when the English ambassadors
told her of the noble deeds at sea of their countrymen

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3744 ; Calig. E., ii. 115.

2 Ibid., i. 3362 ; Galba B. iii. 39d. 3 Ibid., i. 3659.
4 Ibid., i. 3916 ; Galba B. vi. 120.

6 Ibid., i. 3945 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 37.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 45

against the French, and " she took a letter out of her
purse wherein the tidings were written concerning the
bruit and common rumour of the truce between the King
of Aragon and the French King, and brake the said letter,
casting it on the ground saying these words, " Let the
universal bruit and vulgar opinion give place to the
truth." 1

Ferdinand was furious at the English attitude, for he
felt his golden goose had passed out of his hand, and he
was not calmed by the news of the victory at Brest
and the burning of the French ships. He raked up all
the old grievances against the marriage of Mary and
Charles, pointed by the fact that Charles was now riper
in years, and would soon be of age. In May the
dreaded league between France and Venice was known
at Valladolid, and it weighed greatly on his stomach
that the shrewd turn he had hoped to play France was
likely to recoil on his own head, for Maximilian and
Henry were sure to remain allied. He was right, but
it was touch and go with Maximilian. The Emperor
said roundly to Wingfield, who came up with him at
Augsburg, that if France were to regain Milan he would
have enough to do there without actually invading
France, though Louis were " the most worthy vitupere
of any prince living." However, a couple of days later,
in Augsburg Cathedral, after mass sung by his own
chapel with exquisite organs, with his hand on the
Gospels and Canon he swore to the treaty with Henry. 2
There seemed some chance of his holding to his oath
this time, for his words appeared " to pass more roundly
than they were wont to do." Alas for hopes ! Two

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3962 ; Galba B. iii. 25.

2 Ibid.. i. 4069 : Vitell. B. xviii. 39.

46 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

days had hardly passed [17th May 1513] ere a wind
from the south veered him round. The Venetians and
the French were allied, and he told Wingfield that had
he been advertised of these news he would never have
sworn, and now it was as impossible for him to send
an army to France as it was for a man who had promised
to run a furlong to do so if he broke his leg. But he
said he would do his best to run out the remainder on
a stilt. Poor Wingfield ! " The French," he groaned,
" are so subtle that they can blind and corrupt the
whole world." 1 Margaret, however, was steadfast and
impervious to French corruption, and said she felt her-
self safe from France behind English arrows, 2 but the
French party in her council left few stones unturned
in their efforts to avert war. Charles' Spanish secretary
was sent secretly into France to try and break the
treaty of marriage between Mary and the prince, and
to practise a negotiation between Louis XII. and the
Emperor. 3 Louis said that Margaret and Lord Berghes
had assisted the English against the opinion of the
council, and he kept for them a pens£e. It took the
familiar form of Gueldres at this moment. Ferdinand,
said spies at Blois, was called a traitor in France, and
so he was, for at Malines he posed as Henry's friend,
and rated Margaret for not giving him adequate
assistance. He begged her to ask the King of England
to use his counsel, and promised to assent to anything
that would advance the amity with England, and also
re- assented to the marriage treaty. " A very wise
prince," said Margaret, " in whose subtle understanding

1 L. and P. H. VIII., L 4078 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 45.

2 Ibid., i. 3915 ; Harl. 3462, 32.

3 Ibid., i. 4328*; Galba B. iii. 113.

EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS 47

is comprised many profound matters : his mind and
intent are good." 1

The defeat of the French at Novarro set all Eome
daily expectant to hear of their extermination by the
English in Picardy, while experts in Germany shook
their heads over such a possibility. 2 They said that the
advantage lost last year in Guienne would not be easily
recovered. Wingfield expressed the English feeling of
confidence when he wrote " but such is God and better
which only is the head of your enterprise, and hath
given the noble courage and hardiness to elect of your-
self the cost, travell and jeopardy, to attain the honour
and glory that must needs follow." 3

1 L. and P, H. VIII., i. 4296 ; Galba B. iii. 115.

2 Ibid., i. 4216 ; Galba B. iii. 83.

3 Ibid.

CHAPTER III

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP

THE musters of the mercenaries had been fixed
for Dunkirk on May 20, and the captain of
the vanguard, the Earl of Shrewsbury, was to
be at Calais on the 16th, 1 but, as is so often the case,
paper plans drawn by able clerks did not develop rapidly
into accomplished facts, and by the 19th nothing was
ready. 2 What a muddle it all reads, and the marvel is
that any men were ever shipped at all ! First all the
shipping had to be pressed or borrowed, and the hoys had
to be hired in the Low Countries or along the English
coast and towed to the embarking or loading ports. Then
the victuallers had to be loaded in the Thames and at
Sandwich, and brought round to the ports where were
the hoys or ships. There was hardly a man in England
but was pressed for the King's service and wore his
coat ; the very carters of Kent and Sussex sported the
white and green as they cracked their whips by their
horses' sides on their way to Sandwich, while all the
able-bodied men south of Trent were on their way to
Dover or Southampton with journey money in their
pockets and the King's coat on their backs. As
company after company arrived they had to be housed
till transport was found for them, and for two days'
journey inland round Southampton the country was

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4008 ; Galba B. iii. 77.

2 Ibid., 4094.

4 8

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 49

swarming with men waiting to be embarked. 1 Fox,
bishop of Winchester, was worrying through with the
business of transport there ; Lord Mountjoy had been
sent in a hurry to superintend the Cinque Ports, 2 and
the victuallers, while Wolsey, the King's almoner, was
worn to a shadow 3 in London in the endeavour to deliver
into life his admirably sketched plans for organization.
Human nature is not passive pen and ink, and then as
now what is called the English lower middle class was
absolutely undisciplined. If you doubt it, think of the
Biscay performance in 1512, and more recent muddles
since. Waste, leakage and unpunctuality were the
opening notes of the proceedings, but it is only fair to
add that during the whole campaign there was no lack
of wholesome victual and in consequence no epidemic.
Fox, appalled at the sight of the undisciplined army of
brewers, bakers, coopers, smiths, horsekeepers, millers,
etc., invading the port, and overwhelmed at the thought
of the oxen from Lincoln and Holland, the ling, the
cod, bacon, beer, biscuit, to say nothing of the tankards,
platters, and cauldrons needed to feed the host, longed
for the arrival of Charles Brandon and Lord Howard. 4
But Sir Charles was court- bound having just been made
Lord Lisle by his adoring King, and Lord Howard,
admiral of the Fleet in the room of his late brother,
whose gallant death a month ago at Brest had retrieved
the honour of the English nation, was wind-bound at
Plymouth, and could do nothing either by way of
scouring the narrow seas to ensure the safe passage of
the hoys and men, or in assisting to bring order out of

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4094.
1 Ibid., 4083 ; Rymer's Feeders, xiii. 369.

3 Ibid., 4103. Hbid., 4094.

4

5 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

chaos. He was waiting impatiently for the next wind
to bring him round to the Wight, refused all leave to
his men and raised a gallows at the water- edge as a grim
gloss upon his order. 1 The victuallers' ships had not
come from Sandwich and transport from the west was
wind-bound with the fleet, but Fox muddled on, sure
that once Howard came with Lord Lisle things would
hum to the right tune. They evidently did, and Henry
himself came down privately with Lisle to see the
vanguard's departure. 2 Lisle's large retinue went with
it, chaplains, flfers, Blind Dick the minstrel and all,
but Brandon himself remained behind to cross with the
King on a hypothetical June 15.

On June 13 the vanguard, " all picked men armed
with corselets, bracelets, sallets and gorgets and over
their armour a coat of white and green, the King's
colours," 3 set out for the object of attack, the town of
Therouenne. This frontier fortress, so important that
it was called " La chambre du Roy " * barred the way
to the attack of the towns on the Somme, for the French
had retired into the towns and castles and meant to
wear out the invaders by a prolonged series of sieges.
Louis XII. was at Amiens and the French army was
under the command of the Duke of Bourbon and the
Duke of Angouleme, while the army of Picardy, which
was in force at Boulogne and Montreuil, was under
the Sieur de Piennes. Five miles a day was an average
march for the English army, but it was not till twelve
days after their departure from Calais that Bluemantle
summoned the town. " Verily, my lord, it was a strong-

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4076 ; Calig. D. vi. 102.

2 Ibid., 4095, and 4169.

3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 250. * Ibid., i. 311.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 51

hold ; the ditches on the outside were so deep that
a man walking and looking into them feared for falling
to come nigh to the banks ; gaily wooded upon the
banks and bushed with quick-set every corner, and
wide walls and other full of great bulwarks, and beside
the walls in the inside mightily fortified with great
trenches, many bulwarks made with timber and earth,
and in certain places of the said trenches sundry deep
pits for to have made fumigations, to the intent that
men upon the assaulting of the same should have been
poisoned and stopped." 1 Thus it was described by an
eloquent Welshman, and before this stronghold the
English vanguard sat themselves down, awaiting the
main ordinance which was to come with the King.
They could not secure their line of communication with
the Calais Pale, and on the 27th they tasted French tactics
when the garrisons from Boulogne and Montreuil cut
in near Ardres, and carried off 100 wagons of victuals
escorted by 500 men. Two hundred green and white
coats lay on the field, but the only dead French things
were twenty horses. 2 The Flemish governor of Bethune
gave the English a poor character ; they made " but
easy their skultwachis " and the Welshmen amongst
them did great hurt to the Prince's subjects. 3

On June 30, the day after a terrible storm which
wrecked the shipping and ruined much victual, the
watchmen on the Tour du Guet at Calais saw the
King's fleet approaching before the north wind, a sight
such as Neptune had never seen before, and at once
there was such a firing of guns from ships and walls

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431.

Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64.
3 Ibid., i. 4322 ; Galba B., iii. 119.

52 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

and ringing of bells from the towers that " you would
have thought the world was coming to an end." From
the deck of his beloved Mary Rose, the fastest sailer in
the fleet, Henry passed by the Lanternegate through
the streets of Calais in procession, headed by the
bishops and priests, to the church of St. Nicholas to
give thanks for his safe crossing, and returned to his
lodging at the Staple to give the ud popular order for
the burning of " little Whitesand," whose villagers had
the day before plundered an English ship driven ashore
in the storm. The soldiers were ashamed to do the
work. 1 For the next three weeks Henry amused
himself well at Calais, practising archery with his guard
and beating them all, holding revels and receiving
embassies from Flanders, the Duke of Brunswick and
the Emperor. Maximilian suggested that as conquest
was their object, they should cut into the heart of the
matter at once, and Henry should meet him at Rheims,
to be there sacred King of France, 2 a suggestion which
did not appear as absurd to Henry " King of France "
as it does to us. But Henry had come out to fight, and
now with his army swelled by 8000 German mercenaries,
" who did not respect churches," the host set out led
by Maximilian's guides in leisurely disorder, all along
the line the baggage, drawn by English horses, muddled
with the ordnance and its Flemish mares. The first
night in camp it simply poured and the tents were
hardly protection, but Henry was up all night, no
doubt boyishly pleased at tasting at last the hardships
of real war, and rode about the camp at three in the
morning to visit the watch and comfort them with

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64.
2 Ibid., i. 4355 ; Galba B., iii. 126.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 53

a "Well, comrades, a bad beginning means a good
ending, God willing." The low-lying country drained
by broad ditches which served the folk as water-ways,
was deep in mud, and the tracks were almost impassable.
One of the guns called the "twelve apostles," cast in
Flanders, was lost in a pond and the Frenchmen
hanging invisible on the flank of the army, cut to
pieces the party sent back to extricate it. De Piennes
now threw himself across the King's line of march, and
next morning Henry in person drew up the army in a
fog so dense that nothing could be seen. When it
cleared away there were the French, who challenged
any Englishman to single combat, and many encounters
took place, " a pleasant sight if a man's skin had not
been in hazard." Afterwards the engagement became
general, and the Welsh put the French to flight, and
yet another apostle fell into the enemy's hands. 1 Not
till August 1. was the royal camp pitched before
Therouenne, and what a camp ! " Peter Corse, merchant
of Florens" did his best with his 578 men at 6d. a day
to make it notable with canvas, blue buckram, whited
Normandy cloth, Brussels' saye, green saye and red
saye, with signs and fringes and ribbons. The King's
retinue had forty- six halls or tents varying from
24 x 12 ft. to 15 x 15 ft., each flying its sign of the Red
Rose, the Red Rose and White, the Flower de Lyce,
the Moon, the Red, the Blue, the Green, the White,
the Gold, and the Black Shield, and so on. Sir Thomas
Windham, the Treasurer, flew the Annewe of Gold,
the Yellow Face was kept for strange ambassadors,
while in the Chalice the chaplains sang mass openly for
the host, and there was one provided with beds "for

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64.

54 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the surgeons to dress men." l The King's own lodging
was a veritable canvas house, the different rooms
connected by passages 10 ft. wide. "The King, for
himself, had a house of timber with a chimney of iron,
for his other lodgings he had great and goodly tents of
blue water- work garnished with yellow and white,
divers rooms within the same for all offices necessary ;
on the top of the pavilions stood the King's beasts
holding faces, as the Lion, the Dragon, the Greyhound,
the Antelope, the Dun Cow ; within, all the lodging
was painted full of suns rising." 2 Little doubt Queen
Katharine had insisted on the wooden sleeping house
(and with surprising thriftiness the hut used in the Court
revels was sent over), for her letters attest her almost
maternal anxiety for his health and life, with these
"nothing can come amiss to him." 3 The field was gay
with banners, ensigns and flags of every description :
every gentleman from knight to earl flew his own, but
the weather was very foul, and it rained night and day,
and everything gorgeous was ruined.

The ordnance was planted as soon as it lumbered in
from the muddy ways, bombards, apostles, curtews,
culverins, Nurembergs, lizards, minions and port-guns,
and the houses inside the town were " very sore beaten
with guns, and such importunate and continual shot made
with guns into the same, that no person might stir in
the streets." 4 The besieged were not idle, however,
and not a day passed without victims in the English
camp to a certain turf-covered rampart on the walls,
where were the most deadly guns, and daily the garrison

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4629.

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 543.

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4398 ; Calig. D. } vi. 93.

4 Ibid., i. 4431.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 55

sallied forth and did damage, and messengers covered
by the sally even rode through the English camp and
away. The French light horse, stradiots and others,
hovered round the camp cutting off stragglers, attacking
convoys, and never coming to a decisive engagement,
nor exposing themselves unnecessarily. They had
opportunity to exercise their tactics for the camp, ruled
by " deux opiniatres," Lisle and Wolsey, who were as
new to the business as Henry himself, was badly kept,
and the soldiers were so mad against the French, and
so eager that they often ventured too hardily. 1 Henry
was the keenest of the whole army, too keen for his
wife's peace of mind, and Wolsey had to write and
reassure her. 2

Since Henry's arrival the Emperor had been at
Oudenarde, but at last feeling sure that the English
King was wasting both time and treasure at Therou-
enne for lack of expert advice, 3 and moreover to justify
his wages, after a farewell supper with the Archduchess
at Sotenghien, he set out for Aire, while the Lady
Margaret by easy stages made for St Omer with her
whole council, who were scared to death at this near
approach to the field. 4 Henry rode to Aire to meet
Maximilian on August 10, eager for his first sight
of Cami. It poured torrents, and the interview was
short. 5 The contrast must have been striking between
the rather shabby looking man of medium height clad
in black velvet, white-faced, wide-nosed, grey-bearded,
a frank shrewd glance and amiable manner, 6 but with
an indescribable carriage of dignity which marked him

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 189.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4365 ; Calig. D., vi. 92.

3 Ibid., i. 4389 ; Vitell. B., xviii. 56. 4 Ibid.
6 Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 6 IUd.

56 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

above all ; and the auburn- haired, blue-eyed, ruddy-
young giant towering above him, clad no doubt in his
favourite cloth of gold, and boyishly frank in his
greeting. Everyone seems to have felt the charm of
Henry's bluff unsuspicious manner, and Maximilian was
no exception, " for during the whole journey the
Emperor showed the greatest condescension, declaring
publicly that he came to be of use to the King of
England, and calling the King at one time his son,
at another his King, and at another his brother." 1
Maximilian had a well developed dramatic sense, and
he enjoyed playing the part of hired captain and chief
military adviser to the splendid young King whose
magnificence and extravagance, only equalled by his
naive inexperience, impressed the frugal and penniless
Emperor. So " the King's highness and the Emperor
be together and have every other's counsel with the
most amiable loving wise that can be thought." 2

From the moment the Emperor came into the camp
on August 12, to visit the trenches, things began to
march. The evening before Ross Herald had brought
the defiance of the King of Scots, and for all reply from
Henry had got, " Let him do it in God's name ! " for the
Scottish march was well guarded. Two days afterwards
Henry, anxious in spite of his impatient bravado, was
tres joyeux at the news sent by the Swiss that they
were on the point of entering France. 'Twas a good
answer to Ros3, and increased the ardour of the captains
for the assault of Therouenne. Maximilian was averse
to the attempt, but Henry and his council had set
their hearts on it, saying they could hardly raise the

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64.

2 Ibid., i. 4431 ; MS. apud Sdr John Trevelyan.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 57

siege without loss of prestige, 1 and every man said in
his heart, Eemember Guyenne. A few days before
Captain de Fonterailles had managed to throw men into
the town, and at last the Emperor gave way and,
preparatory to the assault, ordered the camp to be
moved across the stream towards Guingate. This was
hardly accomplished at dawn, when the alarm was given
that the French were approaching. 2 It was a convoy
of provisions and they sent forward a large company to
draw off the English, as they had done once before. The
accounts of the battle are as usual confusing. It would
seem from the French account that having thrown in
the victuals they were returning in careless disorder,
hawking in the fields, their leaders riding without
helmets on small horses and mules, when the English
fell on them from an ambuscade. The English account
says Henry followed the French all day and then
attacked. 3 What probably happened was that the
Emperor who refused to have his standard spread,
saying he was the servant of the King and St George,
"with 2000 men kept them at bay until 4 p.m.," 4 by
which time Henry having turned their position at a
place called Bomye 5 (the camp was. Guingate), attacked
them unexpectedly, utterly routed them, and took
many prisoners of great price. This was on Tuesday,
August 16. Henry was mad with joy, especially at
the number and quality of the prisoners to whom he
gave good greeting on their arrival at camp. Louis
d' Orleans, Due de Longueville and Marquis de Kothelin,
was the most important, and him Henry clad in a gown

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 192.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64.

3 Ibid., i. 4431. 4 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 195.
« L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431.

58 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

of cloth of gold, and on going to table caused him to be
served with water for his hands and to dine with him.
The Duke said, " Sir, I will not." The King rejoined,
"you are my prisoner and must do so," and displayed
great graciousness. 1 After Longueville came in im-
portance M. de Boissi, nephew of the late Cardinal
of Rouen, who was taken but concealed against the
laws of honour by Lord Walham, son of Lord Berghes,
for use in treating with Gueldres. 2 Prisoners of
condition were expected to pay 4000 ducats, but the
King always reduced it to 2000 saying to the captor,
" I'll pay the rest." A common soldier was w T orth 20
ducats, and if he had this on him he was merely
stripped and set at liberty, 3 but in spite of all
Henry's care there were the usual quarrels between
Almains and English over their captures. All the
more important prisoners were sent to Aire on
the way to England, and Katharine was rather
upset at having to provide lodgings for Longue-
ville in the midst of her preparations to meet the
Scots. She sent him to the Tower till she had more
leisure. 4

The battle of the Spurs decided the fate of Therouenne,
and on the 22nd Pontdormi, captain of the garrison,
demanded a parley, at which terms of surrender were
agreed on with the Earl of Shrewsbury, and on St
Bartholomew's Eve, August 23, the garrison marched
out through the camp in the sight of the Emperor
and Henry, with banners flying, helmets on their
heads and lances on their thighs, 4000 as fine soldiers

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 288.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4418 ; Galba B. iii. 88.

3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 288. 4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4432.
6 Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C. v. 64.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 59

as any prince would wish to have, 5 having prudently
destroyed their guns before leaving. Next day, St
Bartholomew's, their majesties entered the city. Maxi-
milian effaced himself with his usual politic good-
nature, and Henry rode through the gates unlocked by
the Earl of Shrewsbury, a veritable St George clad in
gilt and graven armour, his coat of silver damask and
white satin, his horse's trappings the same, with red
crosses. Close behind him came Lord Lisle also in
silver and white, and after him "a goodly company of
estates, men-at-arms, henchmen all richly apparelled "
in green velvet and cloth of silver. At the gate he
was met by Maximilian, dressed in black velvet with
only six henchmen as sombrely clad, who came as a
private person (though the town was claimed as
Burgundian) and together they entered the city. The
streets were filled with people and along the way to the
Cathedral, where again the Emperor yielded the place
of honour, they pressed about Henry crying, " Welcome,
most merciful King." After an anthem to Our Lady
and another to St George sung in the King's Chapel of
the Cathedral, the procession returned to the gates
where their majesties separated, Maximilian returning
to Aire and Henry to his camp. In spite of Henry's
promise to treat the inhabitants as his own subjects,
the city was claimed by the Burgundians and handed
over to them. They destroyed it with fire, and then
Henry set 800 labourers to blow up and pull down the
fortifications so that one stone did not rest on another,
and only the Cathedral remained. From Aire Maxi-
milian retired to Lille, leaving Henry at Guinegate, for
he made war with ceremony, and the spirit of the
middle ages lingered in his camp, so that by the law of

60 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

arms, "for in case any man should bid battle for the
besieging and getting of any city or town, then the winner
to give battle and to abide for certain days," 1 he was
compelled to remain on the field awaiting the pleasure
of the enemy. But though he remained a week at
Guingate the French did not seek him out, and he
followed the Emperor to Lille.

Henry and Maximilian had dined, and drank, and
amused each other like brothers, and Maximilian had
fallen in love with Mary's picture and said he would
like to have her for himself 2 now that he was again in
the marriage market. He had also dangled the imperial
crown before Henry's eyes so that the King not only
dreamed of entering Paris in triumph, but saw himself
Emperor of Germany. But Maximilian was not there
for a picnic only, and he and Wolsey had also come to
understand each other. In fact Maximilian for the
moment " was taken for another man than he was
before thought," 3 and the negotiations for the near
marriage of Mary and Charles went on satisfactorily.
Margaret offered to come and join the conference at Aire,
but the Emperor's servants were more satisfied with her
room than her presence for they could rule him more
easily without her, so she sent Lord Berghes to represent
her and to know the Emperor's pleasure when she should
meet the King. 4 The Spanish agents were hovering about,
and Margaret desired to prevent Henry's resentment
coming to open rupture with Ferdinand, so she wrote
sharp letters to her father telling him not to whet the edge
of Henry's anger, and to Henry's agent she said that she

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 292 and 301.

3 L. and P. H. VIII. i. 4417 ; Calig. D., vi. 94.

4 Ibid., 4418 ; Galba B., iii. 88.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 61

was satisfied that all the default lay with the Spaniards
"but she is always of opinion that your grace should
dissemble and cherish them if any other way cannot be
found." l So sharp were her letters that Maximilian
said if she wrote like that again he would take the
government out of her hands. 2 By September 5, the
preliminaries were satisfactorily arranged ; a treaty of
alliance had been signed by Maximilian, Henry and
Ferdinand ; Maximilian had been paid in full for his
services under St George 3 ; and Henry set out for Lille
where he was to meet Margaret. On the 11th the town
rising like an island out of the marsh 4 was reached. The
English encamped at a short distance from it, and when
things were in order thither came the Lord Ravenstein
" which after his humble reverence done, showed the King
that the young Prince of Castile, Charles, and the Lady
Margaret, governess of the said Prince, most heartily
desired him for his pastime after his long travail to
come and repose in his town of Lille and to see his
brother the prince and the ladies of the court of
Burgundy, saying that it became not ladies to visit him
in his martial camp which to them was terrible. "
Indeed Margaret told her father that nothing would
induce her to " troter et aller visiter les camps pour le
plaisir." 5 The King " gentelly " accepted the invita-
tion, and " mounted on a courser his apparel and barde
were cloth of silver of small quadrant cuttes traversed
and edged with cut cloth of gold, the border set full of
red roses, his arms fresh and set with jewels," he set out
accompanied by the faithful Lisle and followed by Sir

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4433.

2 Le Glay Lettres de Maximilien et Marguerite d'Autriche, ii. 206.

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4435. 4 Ibid., 4284.
6 Le Glay, op. cit. ii. 203.

62 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Harry Guildford and the henchmen. They were con-
voyed by Ravenstein and many noblemen. About a
mile out of the town they met the burgesses of Lille
who presented Henry with the keys of the town, which
Henry graciously returned saying he trusted them no
less than his own subjects. After this came the nobles
of Flanders, Brabant, Holland and Hainault to salute
him, and further on Count Frederic of the Palatinate. In
fact such a crowd was on the road that it was a wonder
any were left in the town, girls offered crowns and
sceptres and garlands, while outlaws and malefactors
with white wands in their hands besought pardon. At
last through the throng the gates were reached, where
stood the captain of the town with the well-appointed
garrison, and the procession headed by Henry's sword
and mace-bearers pressed through the narrow street of
the city set, though it was broad day, on each side with
burning torches, so that there was scarce room for the
riders to pass to the palace. Gay tapestries hung from
the houses and at frequent intervals there were divers
goodly pageants of the histories of the Old and New
Testaments and of the poets. At the door of the Gothic
palace built by Jean Sans Peur were waiting the
Emperor, Lady Margaret and the Prince of Castile,
" who humbly saluted him, and then for reverence of
the Emperor the King caused his sword to be put up
and his maces to be laid down, and then the King and
all other nobles lodged and feasted." 1

But their travail was not yet ended, for the city of
Tournay was to be reduced to submission. The
Tournois were a double-faced folk, the nobles were for

1 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 553 ; L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ;
Cleopat. C, v. 64.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 63

Burgundy, the merchants and people for France, and
the city had not made submission on the death of
Charles the Bold but had claimed freedom under
French protection. They had been thick with the
French while assuring Burgundy of their loyalty, and
now they were to take their punishment at the hands
of Burgundy's magnificent ally. On the 15th, after the
Lille meeting, when Henry and his favourite captured
Margaret's heart, the English camp was pitched under
the walls of Tournay, a city whose beauty " no one can
conceive who has not seen it," * what with its bridges
over the Schalde, its water-mills, its splendid buildings.
From out its three miles circumference rose ninety
towers and it was second only to Paris in population.
Guns were sent by water from Lille, to batter down its
stone towers and iron gates, and the Emperor ordered
his to come from Malines, and Taylor, whose diary for
this whole journey is invaluable, makes no mention of
Henry's being mock ones, as the legend runs. Con-
temporary chronicles are also silent on what would
have become a world-known jest, and the wooden guns
in the Tower must have some other origin. It may be
true that the Tournois were terrified at the sight of the
artillery, and yielded, but certainly not before the city
had been much battered, and Lisle had rushed and
occupied one of the gates, carrying away as trophies
two of the images from its niches 2 ; but it is much
more probable that the news of Flodden Field, brought
by Kougecroix on the 16th, in Katharine's exultant
letters, was the true cause. All was rejoicing in the
English camp. Mass was celebrated in the state

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. 0/, v. 64.

2 Rid., i. 4459 ; Harl. 3462, 326.

64 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

pavilion of purple and gold, and the Te Deum sung for
the victory. The bishop of St Asaph preached, and one
can imagine the gist of the sermon, for if the Queen
attributed the victories of the English armies wholly to
Henry's piety what argument would a Tudor bishop be
likely to follow ! Henry and Brandon rode off to Lille
to carry the news to Margaret, and the King sat in her
lodging singing and playing the cyther and the flute,
and then danced with her ladies and drew the bow with
her gentlemen. His spirits were so high that all the
way back he raced and played with his escort. 1 A few
days later came John Glyn with the pathetic confirma-
tion of the death of James IV. — his plaid embroidered
with the arms of Scotland, now all bloody. And
Katharine with feminine ferocity wrote, "in this your
Grace shall see how I can keep my promise, sending
you for your banners a king's coat." 2 Henry was
exultant, St George had indeed granted his servant
victories ! And next day the keys of Tournay were
handed over. Thus a second time within a month
the King made a triumphal entry into a captured town,
and on Sunday, September 25, the Council of the city
met him, again clad as St George, at the Porte Ste.
Fontaine, " their horses and mules having the English
arms painted on paper before them." The King there
passed under a canopy of gold and silk prepared by the
inhabitants in great haste, and carried by the principal
burgesses, and thence along the high street St. Jacques,
the citizens all bearing wax torches, and dowD the rue
Notre Dame to the Cathedral, " where he saluted God
and St Mary," 3 and then, as he stood under his banner

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 311. 2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4451 ; Vesp. F., iii. 15.
z Ibid., i. 4467 ; Archseol., xxvii. 258.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 65

in the church he made many knights. He went to his
lodging to the sound of bells, for every one in the
city was rung, and to shouts of "vive le roi." 1 Henry
exacted 50,000 crowns from the city as fine, and
cleared the surrounding bailliage of the French, who
went away so fa3t that they could not be pursued. 2

On the following day, Monday, the Emperor and the
Lady Margaret, with a splendid suite of ladies in chariots
and gentlemen on horseback, came into the city by
torchlight, and negotiations for the marriage were re-
opened in earnest. Henry and Lisle had both been
I as eager to see Margaret as she to see them. The
day after the battle of the Spurs her maitre d'hotel
Philippe de Bregilles, whom she had sent to the camp
at Therouenne, had written to her : " Madame, le roi ce
soir a fort presse* FEmpereur de vous haster de venir,
toutefois devant votre arrived je vous dirai aucunes
choses que le roi m'a dit desquelles me depute de vous
ecrire. Madame, le Grand-Ecuyer, milord Lyle, est
venu a moi me prier que de ]ui vousise faire ses tres
humbles recommandations et que de bon cceur d^sirrait
de vous faire service. Je croy que savez assez que c'est
le second roi, et me semble que ne serait que bon de
lui ecrire une bonne lettre, car c'est lui qui fait et
deffait." 3 No doubt the " bonne lettre " was written,
and Margaret, having seen Lisle at Lille and approved,
came to Tournay with the idea in her mind of using
Brandon, " cet opiniatre," who did and undid all, to
further her plans for the reduction of Gueldres and the
protection of the Burgundian frontiers against France

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64.

2 Ibid., i. 4502 ; Vatican Trans., Add. MSS. 15,387, 4, B.M.

3 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 196.

5

66 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

by English means. If she had approved at Lille, on
further acquaintance both Henry and Brandon pleased
her immensely ; Henry because of the irresistible charm
of his youthful frankness, courtesy and good-nature,
" entirely good and thinketh no evil," 1 and Lisle
"because of the virtue and grace of his person, the
which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to
approach it ; also considering the desire he always
showed me that he had to do me service." Her task
seemed an easy one, and while Wolsey and Fox debated
with Berghes and Hans Reynner the terms of the
marriage treaty, she was flirting diplomatically with
Lord Lisle, and beguiling the King, who even promised
to settle the succession on his sister in case of his having
no heirs of his body. But before the time came for her
departure from Tournay, probably before the coming
of Prince Charles on October 10, she was conscious
that feelings other than political had been brought into
play. The fact was that neither Henry nor Brandon
had ever met a young woman who made her own
life and governed others, and they misinterpreted
Margaret's evident pleasure in Lisle's society and her
courteous treatment of him as proceeding not from cool
diplomacy but from her interest in the man. " I have
always forced me to do him all honour and pleasure,'
she said, " the which to me seemed to be well agreeable
unto the King, his good master." This certainly was
Margaret's first attitude, but force seems later to have
passed into desire. The change from the ceremonious
tranquillity of the Court at Malines, with its environment
of old regrets, to the stirring atmosphere of the youthful

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. For the whole
episode, unless otherwise noted.

MARGARET, DUCHESS OF SAVOY

FROM THE WINDOW IN THE CHAt'EL OF THE VIRGIN IN THE CHURCH OF BRON (ABOUT 1528)

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 67

Court with its insular unconventionality, made Margaret
no doubt feel young again, and as she flirted with Lisle,
the idea of a match between the two was mooted,
either by the King or favourite. She must have
looked most attractive, with her fair hair, brown eyes
and clear colour, her face lighting up in conversation,
and her gay laugh. Margaret knew neither English nor
Flemish, and the Earl knew, or pretended to know, no
French, her usual tongue, but evidently a few Flemish
words, so that the King was " trwchman," or interpreter,
and Margaret hints that his translations might have
been warmer than the original warranted, " because of
the love which he beareth him." One night — she herself
relates the incident — at Tournay, after a banquet, a
trwchman was needed. Brandon, on his knees before
her playing with her hands, drew from her finger a ring
she had long been accustomed to wear, and put it on
his own. " Larron," she called him, laughing, and
said she had not "thought the King had with him
led thieves out of his country. This word larron he
could not understand : wherefore I was constrained to
ask how one said larron in Flemish. And afterwards
I said to him in Flemish dieffie, and I prayed him many
times to give it to me again, for that it was too much
known." But Brandon kept his loot till next day,
when Margaret spoke to Henry and said she would give
one of the bracelets she always wore to have it back
again, for it was too well known. So Lisle returned it
and got the bracelet. Then Henry, either just before or
after this incident, astonished her by asking whether
she would stretch her goodwill towards Lisle to a
promise of marriage, as was the fashion of the ladies of
his country. It needed all Margaret's tact to answer

68 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

graciously, for she said, " I knew well that it came to
him of great love to speak so far forth as of marriage.
And of another prince I had not so well taken it as of him,
for I hold him all good and that he thinketh none evil,
wherefore I have not willed to displeasure him." There-
fore she answered vaguely at first that it was not the
custom in this country, and that if she did it she would
be dishonoured and held as a fool and light, also she
feared her father. What, indeed, would the Weiss
Konig have said had his daughter mated with a squire of
England, a jerry-built viscount, after refusing its King]!
Still, now that Henry had shown his whole hand
Margaret knew what tricks would fall to her, and had
she not been eprise of Lisle, she would certainly in
all prudence have drawn back and at least considered
the situation. It is a comment on the personal quality
of political relations that Margaret says she dared not
say openly that she would have none of Lisle for a
husband for fear of offending the King. So she
temporized, and probably her more than sub-conscious
reason was her growing attachment to the Grand-
Ecuyer. There's not the shadow of a doubt that
Margaret was taken with Brandon, but that she ever
intended to marry is another matter. To Henry's
vicarious wooing she says she answered that she
herself was willing, but she durst not do so, and hinted
that she would go away and " it would be to me too
much displeasure to lose so good company." So "he
passed the thing into his departing." But when the
time for Margaret's return to Lille drew nigh, in her
room late at night he returned to the charge, saying
that he knew well " she would be pressed for to marry
her, and that she was too young to abide as she was :

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 69

and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty
and three-score years." She sighed and said she had
been too unhappy in husbands to marry again. Henry
brushed this aside with, " I know well, Madame, and am
sure that my fellow shall be to you a true servant, and
that he is altogether yours, but we fear that ye shall
not do likewise, for one shall force you to be again
married : and that you shall not be found (save) out
of the country at my return." So she gave what she
says was an easily given promise not to marry till she
saw him again, for she had made up her mind, "not
again to put me where I have had so much unhappiness
and misfortune," and Lisle swore on his part, standing
with her hand in his," to be true to her, to take no lady
nor mistress, but to continue all his life her humble
servant, which was enough honour for him."

By this time Wolsey and Fox had settled the
treaties, and Prince Charles had arrived, " a boy of
great promise," x whose conversation delighted Henry.
He only stayed two days, long enough to see how the
land lay with his aunt for all her protestations of
diplomatic pastime, and was present at a grand tourna-
ment held in the public place amid torrents of rain,
where the King and Lisle challenged all comers and kept
the barriers, and the King excelled all in agility as in
person, and broke more spears than any other.

Two days later the army left Tournay, where the
soldiers had remained too long in idleness, contract-
ing very heavy expenses, and Henry went to Lille to
sign his sisters marriage treaty. There Margaret was
determined that her entertainment should not be
ruined by the rain, and held her tournament in a large

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64.

70 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

room raised above the ground many steps and paved
with black stones like marble. The horses, to prevent
their slipping and to deaden the noise of their hoofs,
had their shoes covered with felt. 1 The tournament
over, the lords and ladies danced, and Lisle renewed his
suit to Margaret. Again he was on his knees before
her, playing with her hands, and again he took
possession of her diamond ring, but this time all
Margaret's entreaties could not get it back, and Henry,
when appealed to, failed to see her point that it was
its notoriety and not its value that urged her. He
carelessly promised her another better, and next day,
before setting out, Brandon brought her " one fair point
of diamonds and a table ruby and showed me that it
was for the other ring : wherefore I durst no more
speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not be
showed to any person." Brandon gave the promise,
which was ill-kept, and went away with the ring and
bracelet and troth renewed between them in the little
ante-room the night before. Margaret had undertaken
the education at her Court at Malines of his little
daughter Anne, 2 whom he now left with her under the
care of his cousin, William Sidney.

Two treaties were signed at Tournay, one between
Henry and the Emperor against France and for the
marriage of Mary and Charles, and the other between
Margaret, in the name of Maximilian, and Henry, allow-
ing the latter to return into England after leaving a
sufficient garrison in Tournay, on condition of contri-
buting 200,000 crowns of gold for the Emperor's
expenses in supporting 4000 horse and 6000 foot, in

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284.

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308.

A CAMPAIGN AND A COURTSHIP 71

Artois and Hainault. In her hands Margaret held a
promise, " en parole de roi," written by Wolsey's hand,
and signed by the King, never to make nor conclude
peace or truce with the common enemy, the French,
without the knowledge of his " bonne sceur and
cousine," on condition that she did the like." x

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 355.

CHAPTER IV

THE DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR AND
THE PRINCESS BREAKS HER CONTRACT

HENKY had arranged with Margaret that the
marriage of Mary and the Prince should take
place at Calais in six months' time, on May
15, and for that purpose he began making arrangements
on his usual splendid scale on his return from Flanders.
What Mary had been doing during the months of her
brothers absence can only be conjectured. Probably
she had been busy like Queen Katharine, sewing banners
and ensigns for the army to be sent against the Scots.
She did not accompany her sister-in-law when she
moved further North, just before Flodden. There is
hardly a mention of her in any of the few letters of
the year. Once she wrote to Margaret of Savoy thank-
ing the duchess for some patterns of Flemish gowns,
and once she received a formal letter from the Prince.
On Twelfth Night (1514) at Kichmond there was the
usual disguising and play, and a lady called Beauty, and
one called Venus, clad in surcoat and mantle of yellow
sarcenet, with hearts and wings of silver, delighted the
Court. The piece was, as usual, allegorical, and possibly
the ladies represented the Duchess of Savoy and the
Lady Mary. There is no mention of the Princess by
name, but, following her custom and that of her brother,
they were both probably among the mummers.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 73

Mary had now reached her full height, and was short
for a Tudor, though the English head-dress added about
three inches to her stature, and plump like her mother.
Gerard de Pleine, writing to his mistress at Malines,
describes her as one of the prettiest girls he had ever
seen or hoped to see. " She has the most gracious
and elegant carriage in conversation, dancing, or any-
thing else that it is possible to have, and is not a bit
melancholy, but lively. I am convinced that if you
had once seen her you would not cease till you had her
near you. I assure you she has been well brought up,
and she must always have heard Monsieur well spoken
of, for by her words and manner, and also from those
who surround her, it seems to me she loves him
wonderfully. She has a picture of him, very badly
done, but there is no day in the world but they tell me
she wishes to see him ten times a day, and if you want
to please her, you must talk of the prince. I should
have thought she had been tall and well developed, but
she will be only of medium height, and seems to me
much better suited both in age and person for Monsieur
than I had heard tell before I saw her, and better than
any princess that I know of in Christendom. She is
quite young, and in two years she will hardly be as
ripe as Likerke or Fontaine. I can only say again that
in good-nature, beauty and age, the like does not exist in
Christendom." * For five years she had been Princess of
Castile in England, and now was approaching the hour
when she was to become a reigning princess, with the
probability of far greater honours. This year was to be
the critical one in her life, and in January occurred the
event which first altered its course. Anne of Brittany,

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 335.

74 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

wife of Louis XIL, died, "underly lamented," sneered
a spy, and was laid beside her former husband at St
Denis. The English Court swarmed with French
prisoners, and their friends and retainers. French
manners had always prevailed in the Court of Henry
VII., and the French tongue had been the usual one of
the King ; he preferred foreign household servants, and
his son, fierce as he was against the French, kept a
French cook. Henry VIII.'s Court had always been gay,
and in the reaction from the frigid etiquette prescribed
by the Countess of Richmond, manners had become as
free as in the time of his grandfather, Edward IV.
Bessie Blount, afterwards mother of Henry's son, the
little Duke of Richmond, young Mistress Carew, wife of
Sir Nicholas Carew, Mistress Jane Popincourt, added to
the gay flutterings, and Louis de Longueville was amongst
the most careless, as he played with the King for his
ransom, and won the greater part. His intrigue with
Jane Popincourt was fairly notorious, and she was, as has
been related, one of the circle of the Princess of Castile,
having been brought up with her. Mary said, many
years afterwards, that she regarded her as one of her
own relatives, but her reputation was such that Louis
XII. refused on hearsay to have her at his Court, and
said he would rather she were burnt for her wickedness.
There seem to have been changes in Mary's entourage
about this time, but her ladies and the Queen's, includ-
ing the five Elizabeths, 1 up to now had been of the old
school, and some had served her mother, while Mother
Guildford, as Lady Joan Guildford was familiarly called,
her Governess, was the very epitome of the Richmond
school of propriety and etiquette. She had but lately

1 Book of the King's Payments, Exc. T.R., 215, R.O.

MARGARET, COUNTESS OF RICHMOND

PAINTER UNKNOWN. NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 75

retired on pension from the service of the Princess,
whom no doubt she had done her best to guide through
the dangerous ways of the Court of a young and lusty
King. With such surroundings one can hardly expect
the little Princess to have been that paragon of
womanly virtues described by Mrs Green. She had
laughed and danced and sung her life through, some-
times ill and under her physician's care, and, as has
already been said, save in the French language, and
music and dancing, she does not seem to have received
any education, but her manners were perfect, thanks to
her grandmother and Mother Guildford. The grand-
mother of Lady Jaue Grey, that marvel of youthful
scholarship and virtue, was just now a charming little
butterfly, "sy mennuet et sy douset" * that she took
all men's hearts by storm in public or private. The
learning of the Renaissance had not touched her, indeed,
never did, and she was ignorant of the intellectual
refinements of continental courts. If she had not all
the sterner virtues, nor a reasoned imagination, she had
the kindest heart in the world and the most faithful,
with a high courage to fight a losing game. Like
Margaret of Savoy, she would have melted her most
precious pearls to make a potion for her dying husband,
and probably, as no doubt did Margaret, killed him by
the heroic self-sacrifice. She was pious in the colour-
less sense of the word, and had been brought up to
observe strictly all fasts and feasts of the Church, and,
like most women, was influenced by her confessor. She
believed in astrology and witchcraft, and had the
normal mental outlook of her century. No doubt,
latterly, she had been influenced by her sister-in-law,

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4953 ; Add. MSS. 21,382.53.

76 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Katharine, who, however much she may have adapted
herself to English customs and relaxed her prejudices
in her love for her husband, never quite forgot the
tradition of the dignified etiquette of her Spanish
girlhood.

After her brother's return Mary was ill for some
time, and in the doctor's hands 1 for ten weeks. What-
ever the cause, she probably had enough resemblance
to her sister Margaret of Scotland to find great con-
solation, if not an impetus towards health, in the new
gowns of her trousseau, and all its attendant mag-
nificence. It was a marvellous affair. Seven hundred
and ninety three pounds and nine pence (Tudor value)
were paid at one fell swoop for pieces of cloth of gold
for her gowns and furniture, and later comes another
thousand pounds worth and more of silks, velvets of
divers colours, green and white, silver, damask, and
more cloth of gold. 2 It dazzles the eyes to read.
Florentine looms were busy, and the Italian merchants
in England were doing a thriving trade. All these
were to be made up in the Flemish fashion, and the
Lady Margaret was asked to give her advice about the
cutting of them and the style of the garments. 3

Marriages were in the air, and gossip early said
three would take place at Calais — Mary to the Prince,
Margaret of Scotland to Maximilian, and Margaret of
Austria to Lisle, whom, on February 1, Henry created
Duke of Suffolk. 4

Before things got that length, however, much had

1 Book of the King's Payments, Exc. T.E., 215.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. pp. 1463.

3 Ibid., i. 5139 ; Galba B., v. 10.

4 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 371.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 77

happened, and the Duchess of Savoy had been passing
through the most wretched period of her existence, for
her pride had been sorely torn by the gossip which her
council took care should reach her ears and those of
the Emperor, and which gave Chievres and the French
party a pretext for attempting to break off the English
match. Her Flemish entourage had been considerably
annoyed at the intimacy between Lisle and the
Governess of the Netherlands, though Margaret assured
them again and again that "that which she had said
and done was for not to annoy the King " ; x but what
they felt while they watched the exchange of vows
at Lille, " at the cupboard-head," was nothing to their
sensations later on when the thing became the gossip
of Europe. That Margaret could for one moment have
imagined that such determined wooing would pass
unnoticed is incredible, but her distress at finding
herself gossiped about in every country is a proof of her
belief in its secrecy. Protest her innocent intentions
as she would, the thing reached the Emperor ; 2 the
King of Aragon wrote to ask if it were true ; 3 the
Venetian ambassador sent the news home ; 4 it was
the common bruit of the staples, and the merchants
were betting on the marriage. 5 Chievres must have
exulted that his adversary had been delivered into
his hand, for as early as November Margaret was
pleading with her father for her honour, following
"the custom of her house," as she once said, and
not mentioning the real matter, but indicating it

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus P , i. 142.

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 274. / 3 c. S. P. Spain, ii. 177.

4 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 371.

5 L. and P. H. VIII., L 4851 ; Titus R, i. 142.

78 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

obliquely. At Henry's request changes had been
made in her Privy Council to outweigh the French
element, and this had been misliked. Floris d'Egmont,
Lord Isselstein, 1 one of its members, drew a pension
from England, so probably did Berghes and Hormi-
storffe and possibly Nassau, but Chievres and St
Py and their following intrigued ceaselessly with
France. They regarded Margaret as an English
agent, for letters which she had written to Brandon
had been ill kept, and her secret informations to
Henry had filtered through to the Spanish ambassador,
and were none the clearer for the filtering. 2 She
felt abashed and disgraced before her own Court and
Council, and she finds "the publishing of the thing
the most strange in the world." 3 Her distress was
increased when on inquiry she found that the gossip
had fan English origin, and it is the strongest proof
that she really loved Brandon, this sorrow, not anger,
of hers at finding him careless of her honour in these
matters. " I have been constrained," she writes, " as
well by the counsel of my servants as of the Lord
Berghes and others, to make enquiry whereof it came,
and as well by information as writing, always I have
found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I
have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters
of the self hand of an English merchant, the which
hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as
Bregilles knoweth well." 4

The ink was scarcely dry on the treaties signed at

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5263 ; Galba B., iii. 210.

2 Ibid., i. 5117 ; Galba B., iii. 193.

3 Ibid., 1. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142.

« Ibid.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 79

Lille before the intrigues with the French began to
bear fruit. The frontier was ill-guarded, and Margaret
herself is said to have commanded the garrisons to
abstain from attacking the French ; at the same time
the charges of the army were not diminished, 1 and many
of the gens d'armes drew their pay for active service
while comfortably seated at home. 2 Ferdinand, in spite
of the treaty signed before Therouenne, to which Henry
had been persuaded by Margaret to admit him, was
renewing his peace with France, who was to give his
second daughter to Don Ferdinand of Austria, the
Prince's brother, with Milan for dowry ; to the
Emperor money and forces to recover the duchy, and
to the Queen of Aragon the Conte de Foix ; further,
he was to abandon Navarre to Ferdinand and leave
the Scots a prey to England. " Habes totam hanc
perfldiam." Pedro Quintana, Bishop of Catania,
Ferdinand's secretary, had been sent across France to
the Emperor, and after conferring with him in open
secrecy, the English ambassador, Sir Robert Wingfield,
being kept entirely in the dark, had returned by the
same way, so that when on February 8 a truce was
signed between France and Aragon, it was conjectured to
be a mere matter of time till the Emperor also joined it.
Margaret, who was Henry's firm friend, and devoted
to the English cause and marriage, implored her father
to remember that Aragon was the only one who had
already pulled his chestnuts from the fire, and that no
profit would come to the Emperor. She reminded him
that the only bulwark of Burgundy against " la grande
et inveteree inimitie que les Francais portent a cette

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4725 ; Galba B., iii. 148.

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 257.

80 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

maison " is amity with her enemies, for between France
and Aragon are the mountains and England has the
sea, and Henry now was so powerful that he could
make a separate and better peace if he liked. His
preparations for the new campaign, like those for the
wedding, were such as had never been made within the
memory of man, and this was the hour or never to
overtop the enemy of Burgundy at the expense of
England. " I know, sir, that he has not the faintest
thought of making a truce, and that up to now he has
not had, I am sure. But I am sure that if he sees or
suspects that you want to change the treaty concluded
with him, that will make him think what before he
never thought, and the thing is very dangerous, for
he could always have a good treaty and ample, and if he
wanted to do it alone, it is clear he could do it better
than anyone else." " As for me, sir, I wish for peace
as much as any living person, provided it be good and
sure ; but otherwise it will be to the loss and destruction
of this house in the future, which God forbid." Then
she comes to the main point of her relations with Lisle :
" Sir, I know there are many people who desire nothing
so much as to break this friendship with England, and
to do this, not knowing any other means, have contrived
certain tales ' de maulvaises paroles et langaiges ,
which touch my honour, to put trouble between you,
the said King and myself ; but, sir, be assured they are
all lies, and that I would rather have died a thousand
times if it were possible than to have thought of it, and
only speak of it to take away this trouble between us." x
But in spite of all that Margaret could do or write,
the French party was in the ascendant, and she was

1 Le Glay, op. cit, ii. 225.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 81

discredited, for the Emperor was backing Chievres, who
now practically ruled Charles, though the " people about
the Prince do not care much for the Emperor." x The
Council were already, in February, expecting information
of the treaty with France, "putting no doubt in the
deliverance at this time of the French King's daughter
into their hands for the prince," and they hoped, as the
price of the marriage, that France would surrender
Burgundy. The " English " party were told there was
no other way to live in peace, "and that before the
perfect age of the said daughter, the Prince shall be of
better experience and able to command and rule him-
self." 2 The Emperor and the King of Aragon misliked
this independent policy, but it seemed likely to take
effect, and Nassau, now openly French, thought that
they should have "the good deeds of the French and
the others the good words." 3 Margaret had still to
fight for her prestige with her father as well as with the
Council, for Chievres began to think he could do any-
thing with the Emperor, who in December had accepted
his daughter's " excuse " for her behaviour towards
Lisle and Henry. 4 But her further letters to Henry
and Lisle, and her "secret advertisements," had been
spied upon and told to her father, so that again she
was " in fear " and could not get into touch with him.
Henry did not doubt her, and she was probably one of
the three channels by which he kuew all the Spanish
secret practices. 5 But the atmosphere of her Court was
unbearable. She was regarded wi ,u suspicion by all
her Council and spied upon, and she could not speak

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4789 ; Galba B., iii. 152. *Ibid.

3 Ibid. 4 Le Glay, op. cit, ii. 237.

5 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 253.
6

82 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

openly to Sir William Sidney, whereof she was more
displeased than at anything else. " He himself per-
ceiveth well that everyone beholdeth him of the other
side. As to the descent of the King, it shall behove me
to speak as soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the
thing that I desire as much as his coming. And
the same for my Lady Mary, as God knoweth. The
heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble
not in this, but in many others. And it seemeth to me
that I may not so well serve the King, being in this
fear, as before, so when the King shall descend that I
shall always be in this pain, and I fear me I shall not
dare speak or show good semblance to the said per-
sonage (Lisle)." * Her frank nature, which loved
outside diplomatic dealing, to see and to say things as
they were suffered acutely. So she sent Bregilles to
England. 2 In February, Henry had been ill with the
measles, and had been entertained during his con-
valescence by Maximilian's offer of the Imperial Crown,
presumably to dazzle him into blindness to the Spanish
intrigues, but, like the sacring at Rheims, it was all
nutshells. Bregilles went ostensibly to inquire for
Henry's health, but really to explain that something
must be done " to avoid the bruit," which was having
such a disastrous effect on the policy of Flanders. 3
Margaret said the only possible way, in her opinion, was
for Suffolk to marry the Lady Lisle, a child of nine years
old, Suffolk's ward, and the daughter and heiress of
John Grey, late Lord Lisle. This penance both Henry
and Suffolk said was too much, for it was not fair to

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142.

2 Ibid., i. 4726.

3 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 83

bind the man to a contract which the child could
repudiate on coming of age ; anything else but not that.
So Henry wrote to the Emperor expressing his astonish-
ment that rumour had arisen of a possible marriage
between the Duchess of Savoy and the Duke of Suffolk,
his " tres leal cousin et conseiller." * He could not
think how it came about save as a device of certain
" mauvais esprits de mettre quelque scrupule entre vous
et nous." He would search out the gossips on his
side and punish them. He did, and of course
found them. They were examined in presence of
Bregilles by "Wolsey and Suffolk, and it was proved
beyond doubt that the original letter was written by
the nameless English merchant while Henry was still
at Tournay ! So much for Margaret's ostrich-like
secrecy. Henry and Suffolk wanted to punish the
unfortunate gossips with death there and then, but
Bregilles interposed. " Je leur ai bien dit que votre
volonte n'estoit point si vindicative et qu'ils ne fissent
nulle punition aux dits marchands quant au corps, sans
avoir nouvelles de vous : vous en manderez s'il vous
plait votre bon plaisir." Suffolk offered to bring home
his daughter, whose presence at Malines might help to
keep gossip alive, but Bregilles said his mistress did not
desire it, and would not think of such a thing. Henry
and Mary and Katharine all made so much of Bregilles
that he was almost ashamed to take the gifts showered
upon him. 2

The Emperor still sulked, and his daughter could
make no headway with the English marriage, and
the Flemings sold guns and harness to the Scots, and so

1 Lettres de Louis XI L, iv. 274.

2 Ibid., iv. 308.

84 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

openly favoured them as friends of France that Thomas
Spinelly, English agent at Brussels, suggested that a ship
should be secretly freighted in Zeeland with onions and
apples to Scotland, with some shrewd fellows on board
to spy in the Scottish ports. 1 On March 31 the Council
of Flanders had their way, and a treaty between France
and the Prince of Castile was signed 2 while the Emperor
was still deep in " confusse dealing." 3 This was practi-
cally the deathblow to the Anglo- Castilian marriage.
The French had won in spite of Margaret and the
Spanish ambassador, between whom and the Council
had grown many words. The same month the English
embassy to Brussels for the arranging of the details
of the marriage had been sent off, and Margaret had
made it very clear that whoever should go on that
embassy it was not to be Suffolk. "I know that I
may not show towards the personage the weal and
honour which I desire to do as before. For as yet I dare
not write unto him when I have anything to do towards
the King, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am
constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger,
at the least before folks, the which doth me so much
displeasure that I cannot write it seeing that I take him
so much for my good friend and servant." Further on
she says : " I shall not dare to behold him with a good
eye which displeasure shall be the same to him as to
me." 4 Only on his marriage with the child Lady Lisle
was he to be allowed to come into her presence. Suffolk
had prepared a vast and gorgeous equipage for the
journey, and Henry said it would really cause more

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4844 ; Galba B., iii. 156.

2 Ibid., i. 4924 ; Calig. E., i. 136. 3 Ibid., i. 4929, K.O.

4 Ibid., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 85

gossip in England if he did not go, for it would need to
be explained publicly in Parliament, 1 but Margaret had
her way, and Suffolk's cousin, Sir Richard Wingfield,
Deputy of Calais, was sent with long instructions. He
was to learn for the information of Richard Gibson, then
in Calais arranging the camp and houses, what per-
sonages would attend on the Lady Margaret and the
Prince of Castile at Calais. He was to obtain numbers
and names in writing, and also what etiquette was to be
observed. The King would provide all things for the
Emperor, the Prince, and my Lady, except beds, " which
it is thought they will for their better ease bring with
them." Henry consulted Margaret in the smallest
detail, everything was to be as she desired, and
sent a book containing the provision of the Princess's
apparel, her chamber, office and stables. Cloth of every
sort had been provided, " and my lady is to devise for
the making thereof after such manner as shall best please
her," and in queenly and honourable fashion. Above
all, a definite answer about the place of the wedding was
to be demanded. 2

Sir Richard and his companions found only Margaret
on their side, for the Council would gladly hinder the
Prince's marriage "with the Lady Mary, saying that
he is a child and she a woman full grown." s In fact, as
the Venetian ambassador had said, " he wanted a wife
and not a mother." 4 They had it seems no doubt
about Mary's real age. At the same time that gossip
was carried to the English Court of the intrigue of the
prince with Mdlle de Likerke, " a damsel of the

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5139 ; Galba B., v. 10.

3 Ibid., i. 4932 ; Galba B., iii. 143. * C. S. P. Venice, ii. 295.

86 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

court," at Malines, Mary was reported of so amorous a
nature that it would be dangerous for Charles to marry
her before he was full grown. Margaret had sent over
to find out the truth of this last rumour, and her agent
wrote : " Je vous ose bien dire que si ce n'etait que
toutes femmes sont assez fortes, que Monsieur viendra
bien au bout de cette ci, car y n'est rien si mennuet ni
si douset qu'elle est." If Monsieur could only speak to
her privately a little while, it is certain that " Likerke
tornera le rot au sort qu'il sera tout bruleV' * which
rather obscure statement may mean that the Flamande
would be eclipsed easily by her rival. The one " English-
man " on the Council denied Charles's interest in Likerke,
and reported that the Prince had said that Mary had
been always his only love, 2 but, on the other hand,
Charles had " spoken suspicious words," and he was
young and surrounded by a young Council. 3 The French
ambassador was honourably received at Court, and
there were many ill rumours spread against England,
most of them coming from France, especially one which
said the English could not hold Tournay for three
months. The feast of St George's day was not observed
in any point, any more than if the Prince did not belong
to the Order. " The Archduchess is sorry, but cannot
oppose it, as the authority of France increases. Unless
the King looks to it, all these countries will be ruled by
the French." 4 Throughout the mission the English had
no more courteous sympathizer than the Aragonese
ambassador : " I promise your Grace he spareth not to

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4953 ; Add. MSS. 21,382. 53.

2 Ibid., i. 5104 ; Galba B., iii. 191.

3 Ibid., i. 5029 ; Galba B., iii. 13.

4 Ibid,, i. 5006 ; Galba B., iii. 160.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR S7

answer your faithful servant. What they mean thereby
God knoweth." Wingfield became more insistent, and
refused to be put off longer with vague answers about
the marriage, for it was now the end of April, and
the ceremony was timed for May 15. Chievres still
had the Emperors ear, he had bought it for 100,000
crowns, 1 and Margaret wrote in vain that a definite
answer could not be put off much longer, but Maximilian
preferred as usual to drive the time and let someone else
face the consequences. The English would accept no
postponement, and said the wedding must be at Calais,
and Margaret, at her wits' end to explain decently
her father's variableness, " forged an excuse at Maliues,"
and, turning in the track of gossip, said she feared that if
the Prince married so young he might be disappointed
of issue. 2

The French were now forward on the borders of the
Pale, and said " they would look upon us at Guisnes," 3
while Prejan, the admiral, was at Dieppe with his
galleys, and at St Omer there were as many Mamelukes
as good Frenchmen. Count de Ligny and all other
captains in Henry's pay were ordered to draw to Calais
and lodge about Gravelines, to co-operate with the force
which was ready to cross the sea. 4 At this moment
grew a rumour of Margaret's marriage to Louis XII. , but
Henry denied it before his Council, and said, no matter
who in the world said so he would not believe it, for he
never doubted her for a moment, though he acknow-
ledged her explanation of her use of English moneys and

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5006 ; Galba B., iii. 160.

2 Ibid., i. 5029 ; Galba B., iii. 13.

3 Ibid., i. 5021, E.O.

4 Ibid., i. 5035 ; Calig. D., vi. 118.

88 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

soldiers was rather "colorable." At last, in May,
Margaret had comfortable letters from her father, and
she definitely broke with Suffolk in the pathetic letters x
already quoted, which, "so that certain conclusion
might be made," she wrote to Sir Richard Wingfield,
but she could not undo the well-knit French policy.
Suffolk's riposte was somewhat weak. At the jousts in
May the King and the new duke defended the tilt
against all comers, and on their black staves was
written in white letters, "Who can hold what will
away." Hall says, "This poesie was judged to be
made for the Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of
Savoy," and as Henry's bore the same legend, it prob-
ably referred also to the Prince of Castile and the
Princess Mary. 2

This was not, however, the open end. Negotiations
dragged on. Sir Robert Wingfield, who had once before
detached the Emperor from France, was trying to repeat
the move, but with no success, for Aragon's ambassador,
with his dealings " full of ficte and colored matter," was
always there to balk him. He implored Henry to do
nothing in haste, for "his majesty showeth himself at
many times not easy to be led, and much worse to be
driven, and therefore, Sir, for the love of God, have good
consideration how ye handle this old practised Prince,
which hath been but easily (i.e. superficially) known in
time past, because many have sought to defame him
and few to declare and show what manner of man he
is." 3 The Aragonese ambassador at Malines also gave
himself such airs of importance that Margaret was ex-

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142.

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, 568.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5126 ; Vitell. B., xviii. 85.

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 89

ceedingly annoyed, and it was openly said that " if the
said lord Prince will not be obeissant unto the King of
Aragon (i.e. in the matter of marriage), or go into
Spain against his will, he might be poisoned, as his
father King Philip was." * Gerard de Pleine, repre-
senting Flanders, and John Coller, the Emperor, were
sent to England, and got very little comfort from either
Henry or the Council, the former declaring roundly
that if he wanted peace he need not send out of his
kingdom for it, 2 which the ambassadors took as an
allusion to Louis de Longueville, who was a favourite in
the court. Wolsey said the King would not make
peace, but if he did it would ruin Flanders. 3 The
English themselves were in favour of war with France,
and, like Lord Darcy, 4 offered themselves and their sons
with eagerness to serve the King there. The marriage
of Mary with the Prince was taken for granted, so that
the breaking of this traditional policy was a difficult
matter, and had to be conducted to a full conclusion
secretly. Hence, though in June the truce with France
was assured, and on July 30 Mary, persuaded by her
brother and Wolsey, formally renounced her compact of
marriage with Charles, 5 yet on August 2 Margaret was
reading letters from Henry " with a glad countenance." 6
A fortnight later the fashion thereof had changed, when
she heard that her trust had been misplaced and played
with, and she had to listen to Chievres' sneers at
English fidelity. 7 The Council cried traitor to the
English, and the whole country was exasperated.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5076 ; Galba B., iii. 190.

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 328. 3 Ibid.

4 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4902 ; Calig. B., ii. 323.

6 Ibid., i. 5282 ; Rymer's " Fcedera," xiii. 409.

6 Ibid., i. 5292 ; Galba B., iii. 211. * jfod., i. 5327 ; Galba B., iii. 199.

9 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Englishmen were assaulted in Brussels, 1 and the Captain
of Tournay found victualling a difficult matter, for it
depended on the goodwill of the surrounding people,
and the Anglo-French alliance put the fear of God upon
them. Margaret was the only one who refused to
believe the report, and " took great thought and dis-
pleasure therewith in so much that some fear she shall
take hurt thereby " ; and indeed she did fall ill 2 in the
autumn from vexation at the failure of her plans and
from grief, " for the penance was too great for their
offence." 3 The Duchess made one more attempt to
reknit the bonds between England and Flanders, and
threatened to publish Henry's promise, signed at
Tournay, not to enter into any truce without the know-
ledge of his ally, the Prince, but Henry retored that if
she did this, which, after all, would do him no harm, he
would publish secret letters of hers which he held, 4 and
so again Margaret ran up against the Suffolk affair.
Do what she might it was not forgotten, for " the bruit
is so imprinted in the fantasies of the people," and as
late as September 1515 5 she was asking Wolsey for the
return of her letters.

Charles is said to have used strong language on hear-
ing that he had been jilted. " It was said that when the
Prince of Castile heard that his promised bride had been
given to France, he went immediately into his council
chamber and said to his Councillors, " Well, am I to have
my wife as you promised me," with other words to that
effect ; whereupon his Councillors answered him : " You

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5341 ; Galba B., iii. 213.

2 Ibid., i. 5675 ; Galba B., iii. 168.

3 Ibid., i 5362 ; Galba B., iii. 212*. 4 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 355.
a L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 876 ; Galba B., vi. 205.

CHARLES, PRINCE OF CASTILE

HK PAINTING IN' THE I.OUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)

DUCHESS REPUDIATES HER SUITOR 91

are young, but the King of France is the first King in
Christendom, and, having no wife, it rests with him to
take for his queen any woman he pleases." Thus did
they seek to excuse themselves. During this conversation
Duke Charles, looking out of the window, saw a man
with a hawk on his fist, and calling one of his Councillors,
who was his chief friend, said to him, " I prithee go buy
me that hawk." The Councillor replied, " I know that
hawk : he is a young birji and does not yet know how
to quarry : he is not a bird for your lordship." The
Prince again said, " I prithee go and buy it." The
Councillor, still seeking to excuse himself, the Duke at
length exclaimed, " Come with me." So he bought it
himself and put it on his fist. Then, having returned to
the council chamber, he seated himself and began pluck-
ing the hawk, the Councillor meanwhile inquiring, " Sir !
what are you doing ? " The Duke still continued pluck-
ing the bird, and when he had done so to his heart's con-
tent, made answer : " Thou askest me why I plucked
this hawk ! he is young you see, and has not yet been
trained, and because he is young he is held in small
account, and because he is young he squeaked not when I
plucked him. Thus have you done by me : I am young,
you have plucked me at your good pleasure, and because
I was young I knew not how to complain, but bear in
mind that for the future 1 shall pluck you." x This tale
is regarded as apocryphal, or at least impossible, but the
date is September 24, about six weeks after the publica-
tion in London of the treaty with France, and indifference
to suffering in animals is not unheard-of in the six-
teenth century. Maximilian sorrowed too at the thought
that the original of the picture he had admired at

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505.

92 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Therouenne, " the fair and virtuous princess, should come
to an impotent, indisposed and so malicious a prince as
is the French King," l and, like St George, his favourite
saint, would have liked to rescue the maiden from the
dragon.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5404 ; Galba B., iii. 216.

CHAPTER V

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. OF FRANCE

THOUGH Louis de Longueville has always had the
credit of arranging the match between the Prin-
cess Mary and Louis XII. of France, there was
another who claimed openly the initiation of the idea.
Margaret of Savoy said that the Pope had been to her
knowledge the promoter of the whole business, 1 and Leo X.
claimed 2 that he had been the first to propose it to France
and England. It had been discussed secretly in Eome by
the Bishop of Marseilles and the Bishop of Worcester, who
met frequently together in the city and in " vynes and
garthynges " without it. 3 The Medici had always been
favourers of the French, and there is no doubt that Leo
X. and "il magnifico Juliano" used their influence
to make the peace, but equally doubtless, had not
Longueville been on the spot " et mena tellement l'affaire
de poste en poste," 4 matters would not have progressed
so rapidly. The Frenchman was not only moved by
desire for the national safety, he had also a private crow
to pick with Burgundy, 5 for the Prince's officers had
seized on certain lands of his, and in return the Duke
rejoiced at the opportunity of wiping his neighbour's eye.

*L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5387 ; Galba B., iii. 166.

2 Ibid., i. 5543 ; Vitell. B., ii. 108.

3 Ibid., i. 5106 ; Vitell. B., ii. 77.

4 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII. ; Petitot, Col. de Memoires, xli. 262.
5 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4725 ; Galba B., iii. 148.

93

94 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

His position at the English Court gave him every chance
of doing so. Henry had intended from the first that he
should be in the household, but Katharine had been
forced to lodge him in the Tower for the first three weeks
after his arrival. On the King's return he was lodged
in the Court, and became Henry's daily companion. He
was witness to the King's anger against Ferdinand of
Aragon, and his annoyance at the variableness of the
Emperor, and no doubt, secrets being ill-kept, he knew
all about the Savoy- Suffolk affair. As early as March
Wolsey was half gained to France, and the general of
Normandy, Thomas Bohier, in England ostensibly to
confer with Longueville at Sittingbourne about his
ransom, was on friendly terms with the new Bishop of
Lincoln, and Louis XII. desired his mediation. 1 Henry
however, was too sure that France was at his feet to treat
at once, and it was not till his allies had definitely left
him that he listened to French proposals. The Bishop
of Lincoln's attitude was complicated by his claim on
Tournay, of which See he was bishop, but was there op-
posed by the French bishop-elect, who had easily collected
the revenues with the collusion of the Flemish, who
wanted no English bishop and mobbed his vicar in
Ghent and Bruges. It probably was in Wolsey 's mind
that if he did the Pope's pleasure in the matter of peace
with France, there was more likelihood of his enjoying
the fruits of the See. The bait held out to him by
Louis was a cardinal's hat, and the French King over and
over again promised to use his influence with Leo X. to
get this for him. In March the marriage was talked
about in Rome, in April in Paris, 2 while in England the

1 L. and P. H. VIII.. i. 4883 ; Calig. D., vi. 117.

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 398.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 95

only subject of conversation was the coming war, and
in May, when the Castile marriage openly hung fire, the
General of Normandy was again in England. He sent
a herald to Calais * for a safe- conduct and also to arrange
a truce, but this was not granted, "so he came here
with a cartel to know the ransom required for the Duke
de Longueville, which, being generally known, he was
answered that not having brought the ransom with him,
and should he have nothing else to say, he was to depart
in God's name." Unabashed by this brusque reception,
which may have been one of Wolsey's carefully arranged
" pageants," the Duke, " who is in great favour, making
himself most amiable," 2 stepped in, and by his media-
tion the General was allowed to open his mission for
some agreement between the two crowns. Henry de-
manded a million and a half ducats and three towns —
Therouenne, Boulogne and St Quentin. The General
answered suavely this could hardly be called an agree-
ment, but his master was prepared to make peace and
give the usual tribute. King Henry then rejoined,
"Well, if he chooses to marry my sister, the widow of
the King of Scots, the agreement shall be made." 3 The
General was allowed to write to his master, and he was
invited to the sacring 4 of the new ship, the " Harry Grace
a Dieu," the King's newest toy, " which has no equal in
bulk and has an incredible array of guns." There, in a
brilliant company, he saw the Queen and the Princess
Mary, surrounded by the bishops, nobles and ambassadors,
and he witnessed the reception of the ambassadors from
the Duchess of Savoy and the Emperor, whom Henry
took over the seven tiers of the ship, pointing out her

1 C. S. P. Venice, iii. 1485. 2 Ibid., iii. 1485. 3 ibid., ii. 436.

4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5192 ; Galba. B., iii. 208.

96 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

novelties and merits. All the French negotiations had
to be conducted with the greatest secrecy, for the war
was popular in England, where the nobles and gentlemen
had already prepared their equipages at great expense,
but abroad the matter was talked of openly, and the lady
mentioned was not the impossible Margaret, but Mary.
Henry refused to be drawn by the Emperor's ambas-
sador, 1 and said nothing beyond that he had peace
under his hand if he wanted it ; but they said roundly to
the Council that the General "was well known to the
Emperor as one accustomed to handle more difficult
matters than the ransom of the Duke de Longueville."
The great difficulty was Tournay, and that question was
finally waived for later settlement, and a treaty of
peace for the lives of the two kings and one year after
was concluded on a basis of tribute paying, and all
arrears from France, dating from 1444, were to be gradu-
ally paid up at a fixed rate. Henry wanted to give his
sister without a dowry, in clear contravention of his
father's will, but eventually it was arranged that Mary's
trousseau, jewels, and furniture, valued at 200,000
crowns, were to be regarded as such.

Late in the evening of July 29 2 the General of
Normandy came again to London, to a very different
reception. " He had come to seal the articles, having
been met by four hundred of the chief lords on horse-
back to do him honour." Next day, at Wan3tead
Manor, Mary made the formal renunciation of her
compact of marriage with Charles, Prince of Castile, in
the presence of the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the
Earl of Worcester, the Bishops of Lincoln, Winchester
and Durham, and Sir Rauf Verney, her chamberlain.

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 335. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 464.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 97

On August 7 the preliminaries were concluded and
the contract signed. On the 11th peace was proclaimed
in London, with none of the usual pomp, by two men
on horseback " in a public street ; neither trumpet nor
any other instrument was sounded, and but few persons
heard the proclamation, neither were bonfires burnt or
any other demonstration made for this peace." 1 Two
days later the wedding took place at Greenwich, and
early in the morning of that Sunday, wrote the Venetian
ambassador's secretary, a lord came in his barge in
quest of Messer Andreas Badoer, 2 " on behalf of the
King that he might go to the Court to be present at the
wedding." So he went to where his Majesty was, at a
place called Greenwich, on a fine river, and proceeded
upstairs, where the other lords were awaiting the King in
the apartment where the ceremony was to be performed.
It had the appearance of a large chamber, the walls
around being covered with cloth of gold surmounted
by an embroidered frieze with the royal arms. There
were many lords present, clad in cloth of gold and some
in silk, all wearing chains, who came to meet the
ambassador, saying, " Thou art as welcome as if thou
wert our father and of our own blood," for which he
thanked them much, and he gave them good greeting.
And he remained thus, talking, first with one and then
with another, for three hours, till at length the King
came and was immediately followed by the Queen, his
sister the bride, and a number of ladies. The Duke de
Longueville, with two French ambassadors, represented
the King of France. The Primate delivered a Latin
sermon, saying that they had been brought to that place
to celebrate " a holy marriage, the contracting parties

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 2 Ibid.

98 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

being the sister of the King of England and the King
of France, whose majesty was represented by the Duke
de Longueville." Then John de Selva, President of
Normandy, spoke, and said that the King of France was
willing to take the Princess Mary to wife, and the
Bishop of Durham read the French letters patent. When
these discourses were ended, the Duke de Longueville,
representing the person of the French King, taking the
Princess by the right hand, read the marriage contract
in French x ; after which the Princess, taking the Duke's
right hand in hers, read her contract 2 in the same
tongue. The Duke then signed the " schedule," and
after him the Princess signed " Mary," and that done,
Longueville delivered to her a golden ring which she
placed on the fourth finger of her right hand. By
this time it was nearly mid-day, and the King went to
Mass in procession headed by the lords walking two and
two, and clad in silk gowns of their own fashion with
gold collars as massive as chains, " two dukes of the
realm walked together clad in gowns of cloth of gold,"
and last came the Venetian ambassador next the King
as a mark of honour, and paired with the Archbishop of
Canterbury. 3 Henry wore a gown of cloth of gold
and ash-colour satin in chequers, with certain jewelled
embroidery, after his usual fashion, of beaten gold
applique* to the brocade, and a most costly collar round
his neck. With him, nearly in a line but slightly
behind, walked the Duke de Longueville, wearing a gown
of cloth of gold and purple satin in chequers, and a most
beautiful collar. After the King came the Queen, who
was pregnant, also in ash-colour satin with chains and

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5322 ; Vitell. C. xi. 167.

2 Ibid. 3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 99

jewels, and on her head a cap of cloth of gold covering
the ears in the Venetian fashion, and beside her walked
the bride in a petticoat of ash-colour satin, and a gown
of purple satin and cloth of gold in chequers. She also
had a Venetian cap and many chains and jewels, and
was accompanied by many ladies. After Mass came a
banquet, followed by a return to the same room where
the ceremony had taken place, and there, to the
harmonious sounds of flute, harp, pipe, and violetta, they
danced for two hours, the King and the Duke of
Buckingham dancing in their doublets, and the tunes
were so merry that Badoer, old as he was, felt tempted
to throw off his gown and follow Henry's example.
Whether it was before, after, or during the dance, at
some moment the marriage was formally concluded per
verba de prcesenti, and the bride, in the presence of
many witnesses, undressed and went to bed. " The
Marquis of Rothelin (the Duke de Longueville), in his
doublet with a pair of red hose, but with one leg naked,
went into bed and touched the Princess with his naked
leg, and the marriage was declared consummated." *
After the dance, refreshments were served, and the
King and Queen departed, and the Archbishop of York
[Wolsey], the Duke de Longueville, i3adoer, the lord of
St John's [i.e. the prior of St John of Jerusalem in
England], and other noblemen went to the house given
by the King to the Duke, a good bowshot from the
palace, but within the park walls. There the legal
instrument was signed and mutually ratified. 2 Then
wines were served, and the Venetian ambassador, and
the nobleman who had fetched him in the morning,

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5337, Harl, MSS. 3462, f. 142.

2 Kymer's Foedera, xiii. 444.

ioo MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

with the lord of St John's, took their leave and returned
home by barge, " making good cheer by the way."

What were Mary's feelings? In spite of the
Flemish agent's report, it is not necessary to believe
that she had been deeply wounded by the breaking
off of the Flemish marriage, or that she had ever
been in love with the Prince. But it is well known
that she gave a reluctant consent to the French
marriage, and that her reluctance was said to have its
root in her attachment to the Duke of Suffolk, who
three months ago had been still a suitor for the hand
of Margaret of Savoy. Did the two deserted ones
console each the other ? It is not at all impossible that
mutual sympathy brought them into greater intimacy,
and that Mary fell in love with the Duke then, for
where the experienced duchess fell, what hope was
there for the young princess ! That Suffolk wanted
to marry her there can be no doubt, but his career and
experience made it impossible that he should plunge
into love with Mary's enthusiasm. He had already had
two wives, of whom one was still living, and, put down
in black and white, the story of his marriages is hardly
respectable. When he was Sir Charles Brandon he
made a contract of marriage " with a gentlewoman,
Mistress Anne Browne, and before any solemnization of
that marriage not only had a daughter by her, which
after was married to the Lord Powes, but also brake
promise with her and married the Lady Mortimer,
which marriage the said Anne Browne judicially
accused to be unlawful, for that the said Sir Charles
Brandon had made a pre-contract with her and carnally
known her. Which being duly proved, sentence of
divorce was given, and he married solemnly the said

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 101

Mistress Ar^e Browne ; at which marriage all the
nobility were present and did honour it ; and afterwards
had by her another daughter, who was married to the
Lord Mounteagle. After this the said Mrs Anne
Browne continued with him all her life as his wife,
and died his wife, without impeachment of that
marriage." 1 But these matters would not influence
Mary, for, besides the fact that the English were
notoriously loose about marriage, she was in love, and
that hid everything. When Henry, at the last moment
(and it can be taken for granted that as secrecy was
necessary Mary knew little till then), told her of her
destiny, he had the greatest difficulty in persuading
her to it. She rebelled vehemently against marriage
with an ' ' old, feeble, and pocky " man of fifty-six, for her
ladies would not mince their words with niceness when it
came to descriptions. But Henry showed her that it
could not be for long ; Louis had been ill for years now
(grisly reasoning for a girl of eighteen), and once a
widow she would be free to marry whom she would,
if she would only do his pleasure this once. Longue-
ville painted the delights of the French Court, the
centre of all light and fashion, and the honour of being
queen of it, while her pride, wounded by the Flemish
treatment, was glad to be able to return so speedy a
Eoland for their Oliver. Once she had allowed herself
to be dazzled into consenting, things were hurried on,
and she had not a chance for reflection ; there was
nothing but dancing, banquets, and feasts from the
day of her marriage to that of her departure, 2 varied by
visits from Jehan de Paris, 3 painter and designer of

1 Julius F. vi. 409. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141.

102 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

frocks, and from Marigny, 1 her husband's maitre d'hotel,
with presents and letters from the King. One day
he arrived at the Court preceded by a white horse
laden with two coffers both full of gifts for her, 2 and
she was soon reconciled to her lot, and was " so pleased
to be Queen of France that she did not care that the
French King was an old man and gouty." 3 She was
not going to France " en dame de petite etoffe," 4 and
if her first trousseau was to have been in all things*
queenly and honourable, this one eclipsed it, in
measure as the dignity of a queen of France eclipsed
that of a princess of Castile. The greater number of
her gowns were made in the French fashion, but six
were Milanese and eight were English, with tight sleeves.
Her jewels were magnificent, and justified her fathers
reputation of having harvested those of many im-
pecunious princes. Diamonds, caboche and cut,
" tables and points," pearls, balas rubies sparkled in
bracelets, pendants, baldrics, rings. Her device of
four roses set with diamonds appeared in various forms,
and the fleur de lys was not absent, and her frontlets
were of pearls. Her bejewelled plate, her hangings,
her bedroom and her chapel appointments, were of the
costliest, and the glitter of the fashionable cloth of
gold was over all. 5 Small wonder that the excitement
of the preparations and the pleasure of possessions re-
conciled Mary to her fate, as her chosen " word" might
indicate, "La volonte' de Dieu me suffit." Besides the
jewels of the trousseau, Mary received many marriage

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141.

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 3 Ibid., ii. 482.

4 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII. ; Petitot Collection de Memoires,
p. 265.

6 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5491-2 ; Vitell. C. xi. f. 158.

LOUIS XII

ENGRAVED BY A. BERTHOI.D FROM HIS TOMB IN THE ABBEY OF ST. DEM.'

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 103

presents from France, and Louis sent her, amongst other
things, a marvellous diamond pendant, which roused to
admiration the jewellers of the Eow, to whom it was
unknown even by reputation. 1

A few days after the marriage ceremony the French
ambassadors set out for France to carry the news of
their successful mission. They did not go empty-
handed. The General and his son had been well
rewarded, and Longueville, no longer a prisoner, had
an order on Cavalcanti, the Italian merchant and
banker, for £2000, 2 Henry's present on the occasion of
the marriage, when he also gave him his embroidered
gown. From Canterbury Mary received what was prob-
ably her first letter as Queen of France. " Aujourd'hui,"
wrote Longueville, "M. le general et moi avons eu
des lettres du roi qu'il nous ecrit que le plus grand
desire qu'il a c'est de savoir de vos nouvelles, et qu'il
trouve merveilleusement bon le lieu d'Abbeville pour
vous trouver ensemble ainsi qu'il a ete accorde, et que
la sans point de faute vous le trouverez delibere de
vous bien recevoir. Et ferai, Madame, la plus grande
diligence qu'il me sera possible d'aller divers lui pour
lui de[livrer] de vos nouvelles. Et toujours ainsi que
j'en saurai des siennes vous en advertirai ainsi que vous
m'avez commande, vous suppliant tres humblement,
Madame, qu'il vous plaise me commander toujours vos
bons plaisirs pour les accomplir comme celui qui desire
vous faire service. Madame, il y a un marchant nomme
Jehan Cavalcanty, dem[eurant] a Londres lequel a
mon affaire m'a fait service. II a quelque affaire en vers
le roi votre frere. Je vous supplie qu'il vous [plaise],

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. ; Book of Payments, August 1514.

104 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Madame, lui etre aidant en vers le dit et 1' avoir pour
[...]. Madame je prie a notre Seigneur qu'il vous
donne tres bonne v[ie]." x Bohier also wrote. On their
arrival at Estampes, where was the King, their descrip-
tion of Mary, "the prettiest girl in Europe," and
probably also the difficulty about Tournay, moved
Louis to write to ask for her speedy delivery into his
hands. "Faites mes recommandations," he wrote to
Wolsey, " au roi mon frere, votre maitre, et lui dites
que je lui prie m' envoy er sa sceur le plus tot que faire
se pourra, et qu'il me fera en ce faisant singulier plaisir." 2
The same day Longueville wrote to Mary, " Que le roi
s'ennuie de j ce que ne lui Writes de vos nouvelles et
aussi que votre cas ne se ddpeche pas par dela si tot
qu'il voudrait bien, pourquoi, Madame, je vous supplie
tres humblement que lui veuillez ecrire et tout faire par
dela que le plus tot que pourrez vous en puisse venir,
car plus grand plaisir ne lui saurez faire en ce monde.
Et en surplus, Madame, votre plaisir sera me mander
et commander vos bons plaisirs pour les accomplir.
Madame je prie a Dieu qu'il vous donne tres bonne vie
et longue." 3 So Mary, with the help of John Palsgrave,
wrote a formal little letter in French, of which this is
a translation : —

" Sir, very humbly I recommend me unto your grace.
I have received the letters which it has pleased you to
write to me with your own hand, and heard what my
cousin the Duke de Longueville has told me from you,
in which I take great joy, felicity, and pleasure, for

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5329 ; Calig. D. vi. 137.

2 Vitell. C. xvi. f. 145.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5373 ; Calig. D. vi. 142.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 105

which and for the honour which it has pleased you to
do to me I hold myself ever indebted and obliged to
you, and thank you as cordially as I can. And because
by my cousin you will hear how all things have taken
their end and conclusion, and the very singular desire
that I have to see you, I forbear to write to you a
longer letter. For the rest, Sir, praying our Creator
to give you health and long life, — By the hand of your
humble companion, Mary." 1

On September 14, in the church of the Celestines at
Paris, after Mass, Louis went through the marriage
ceremony with Mary's proctor, the Earl of Worcester.
The Dauphin, Longueville, John Stuart, Duke of
Albany, Robertet, the treasurer, were there, with many
others, and the next day, in Les Tournelles, in the
faubourg St Antoine, the King appeared before the
Bishop of Paris and bound himself to the payment of
a million gold ducats to Henry VIII. , and in default to
be excommunicated. 2 That was the last of the
formalities ; all had now been complied with, and
Louis was eager to see the wife he had heard so much
about. So he wrote to Wolsey again urging that she
should be sent over as soon as possible, for to have her
across the sea was all his desire, and thanking Wolsey
for all the trouble that had been taken with "l'appareil
et les choses," which he understood were exquisitely
beautiful. 3 He enclosed a letter to Mary, who re-
plied : " Monseigneur, Bien humblement a votre bonne
grace, je me recommende. Monseigneur j'ai par

1 Bethune MSS., Bib. du Roi, Paris, quoted by Mrs Green in " Lives of
the Princesses of England," vol. v. p. 34.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5408. R.O.

3 Ibid., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141.

106 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Monseigneur l'eveque de Lincoln recu les tres affectueuses
lettres qu'il vous a plu nagueres m'ecrire, qui m'ont ete
a tres grant joye et confort, vous assurant, Monseigneur,
qu'il n'y a rien que tant je desire que de vous voir.
Et le Roi, Monseigneur et frere, fait tout extreme
diligence pour mon all^e dela la mer, qui au plaisir de
Dieu sera briere. Vous suppleant, Monseigneur, me
vouloir cependant pour ma tressingulidre consolation
souvent faire savoir de vos nouvelles, ensemble vos
bons et agr^ables plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire,
aidant notre Createur qui vous donne, Monseigneur,
bonne vie et longuement bien prosperer. De la main
de vre bien humble compaigne. Marie." x

What kind of a man was Mary to be consigned to %
A recent French writer gives the following description
of his character drawn from contemporary sources : —
"D'esprit mediocre, pas eloquent ni savant, mais plein
de bons sens, c'etait comme le grandgouzier de Rabelais,
un type de ' bon raillard,' aimant a boire et a rire,
orne des vertues bourgeoises et pratiques, dont il ne
lui manquait pas une, meme la fidelity a sa femme, et
pour le reste, plein de bont£, de loyaute, d'amabilit£, de
rondeur ; point de rancune, la gaite cordiale, les gouts
charitables, les sentiments serieusement chre'tiens, sans
ostentation, ni tendance au merveilleux : homme tout
cceur qui ne pensait qu'a son peuple." 2 He knew and
admired Italian art and writers, and welcomed them at
his Court, but with no frenzied admiration. He was,
above all things, reasonable, normal, and commonplace.
To his first wife Jeanne he had been forcibly married

1 Ellis's "Original Letters," 1st series, vol. i. p. 113.
2U Louise de Savoie," by Maulde la Claviere, p. 116.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 107

by her father, Louis XL She is said to have been a
crippled angel, and the first thing Louis did on his
accession was to obtain a divorce from her from
Alexander VI., "l'argent entra en ligne," and all was
easy with the Borgia ; and then to marry Anne of
Brittany, the widow of his cousin and predecessor,
Charles VIII. She was a not unusual mixture of piety
and arrogance, and a thousand times more Duchess of
Brittany than she was Queen of France to the day of
her death. Like Katharine of England, time and again,
in spite of prayers, promises, and pilgrimages, her hopes
of a male heir were dashed, and she only left two
daughters to survive her, the elder of whom, Claude,
after having been grudgingly betrothed to Francis
d'Angouleme, who was in open antagonism to Anne,
was married to him a few months after her mother's
death. Renee, the younger, the child of many prayers,
called for St Rene, to whom her father had vowed his
child, was the princess who had so often been en
concurrence with Mary in Flanders. Since his wife's
death and his own continued illness Louis had allowed
the Dauphin, as Francis d'Angouleme was now called,
to meddle in affairs of state, for, after all, vain-glorious
and incapable of viewing things from any but an
absolutely personal vantage as he was, the young
man was more than likely to become King of France,
and must serve his apprenticeship, and now nothing
was done without his advice. He was furious with
Longueville for his part in bringing about the
English marriage, " il en sceut bien mauvais greV' 1 but
made up his mind to carry the thing off well, " et
voullust bien montrer qu'il n'estoit pas mal content de

1 Fleurange, op. cit., p. 269.

108 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

ce marriage," and threw himself heartily into the
preparations for Mary's reception, confident that his
position was saved by the senile condition of the King's
bodily powers, and frankly interested in his favourite
occupation of organizing gorgeous spectacles. The
Court Mary was about to enter was no harmonious one,
for Louise de Savoie and her son were centres of
disaffection, and Claude de France and her father were
eclipsed by the magnificence of the hotel d'Angouleme,
the treasurer of France, Robertet, pandering to the
Dauphin's boyish extravagance in clothes and advanc-
ing money to pay his colossal tailor bills. Mary would
find herself the centre of all kinds of intrigue, from
which the kindly nature of her husband could hardly
protect her, though, as Worcester wrote, " he hath a
marvellous mind to content and please the Queen." x
He awaited her coming in great good humour with
seven coffers of jewels and other treasures beside him,
and "au logic du roy il ne feust plus question de
deuil." 2 Worcester wrote that " there is nothing that
can displease him, and he hath provided jewels and
goodly gear for her. There was in his chamber the
Archbishop of Paris, Robertet, and the General and I,
where he showed me the goodliest and richest sight of
jewels that ever I saw. I would not have believed it if
I had not seen it." 3 All things were for her, said the
King, " but merrily laughing, ' my wife shall not have
all at once, but at divers times, for he would have many
and at divers times kisses and thanks for them.' I
assure you he thinketh every hour a day till he seeth

» L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198.

2 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII.; Petitot Collection de Memoires, p. 267.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 109

her. He is never well but when he heareth speak of
her. I make no doubt she will have a good life with
him by the grace of God."

And on the other side of the channel poor Mary
would willingly have made every hour a day before her
departure. Two or three days before she left London
"all the merchants of every nation went to Court.
The Queen desired to see them all and gave her hand
to each of them. She wore a gown in the French
fashion of woven gold, very costly ; she is very beautiful
and has not her match in England, is a young woman
sixteen years old, tall, fair, and of light complexion
with a colour, and most affable and graceful. On her
neck was a jewelled diamond as large and as broad as
a full-sized finger, with a pear-shaped pearl beneath it,
the size of a pigeon's egg, which jewel had been sent
her as a present by the King of France. . . . And the
jewellers of the Row, whom the King desired to value
it, estimated its worth at 60,000 crowns. It was
marvellous that the existence of this diamond and
pearl should never have been known ; it was believed
that they belonged to the late King of France, or to
the Duke of Brittany, the father of the late Queen."
" On bidding farewell to the merchants she made them
many offers, speaking a few words in French and
delighting everybody. The whole Court now speaks
French and English, as in the time of the late King." *
Mary's ladies had been chosen from among her
companions by Wolsey, and on August 7, when the
marriage treaty was signed, the ladies had been
arranged for also. The paper was evidently taken
to France for the King's signature, for it is in the

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

no MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

British Museum signed " Loys," and dated, in a con-
temporary English hand, August 8, 15 14. 1 Their
names are : Mademoiselle Grey, sister of the Marquis
[of Dorset], Mademoiselle Mary Fenes, daughter of
Lord Dacres [of Hurst Monceaux], Mademoiselle
Elizabeth, sister of Lord Grey [de Wilton?],
Mademoiselle Boleyne [Anne, not Mary, in spite of
Dr Brewer], Mistress Anne Jerningham, femme de
chambre, Jean Barnes, chamberiere. These were the
ladies " contracted for." But later on more were added
without reference to Louis' pleasure: old Lady Guildford,
Elizabeth Ferrers, Anne Devereux, M. Wotton, Anne
Denys, and evidently others. Dr Denton, her old
friend, went as her almoner, and John Palsgrave as her
secretary. " Mother " Guildford came from her retire-
ment to go with her former charge as lady of honour,
for she spoke French well, and would be able, as Henry
told Mary, to advise the jeune mariee in the perplex-
ing situations which might arise. At the suit of
Longueville 2 Louis suggested that Jane Popincourt
should be among his wife's ladies, for he understood
that " the Queen loveth and trusteth her above all the
gentlewomen about her," but on Worcester telling him
of her evil life he said that " if the King made her to
be brent, it should be a good deed," and Longueville's
scheme fell through. Louis said there should be never
man nor woman about his wife but such as should be
at her contentation, but later on he judged their fitness
by another standard. As the Duke of Suffolk could
not go with her, the Duke of Norfolk was to present
Mary to her husband, and with him were many nobles

1 L. and P. H. VIII. i. 5484 ; Vitell. C. xi. 155.

2 Ibid., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. in

and ladies ; notably the Marquis of Dorset and his four
brethren, Lord de la "Warr, Lord Mounteagle, the
Bishop of Durham, with many bannerets and esquires.
The Duchess of Norfolk and the Countess of Oxford
were with the Duke, and the Marchioness of Dorset and
Lady Mounteagle accompanied their husbands. The
company was chosen by Wolsey, and several of Suffolk's
friends were included. Thomas Wriothesley, Garter
King at Arms, with Richmond Herald, went to see that
all things were in order, and fifty officers of the King's
household were transferred to his sister's.

On September 19 all these " gros princes et dames
et gros personages " set out for Dover, accompanied by
what remained of the Court to the water's edge. " There
would be about a thousand palfreys, and a hundred
women's carriages," wrote Lorenzo Pasqualigo, merchant
of Venice in London, to his brother. " There were so
many gowns of woven gold, and with gold grounds,
housings for the horses and palfreys of the same
material, and chains and jewels, that they were worth
a vast amount of treasure ; and some of the noblemen
in this company, to do themselves honour, had spent as
much as 200,000 crowns each. Many of the merchants
proposed going to Dover to see this fine sight." * The
Court rode in leisurely fashion to the coast at Dover.
Mary was expected in France, where no business save
rejoicings for the wedding was attended to, on the
29th, and John Heron 2 had pressed the ships for her
crossing by that date, and the fleet had scoured the
channel to east and west, but it was not till October 2
that she set sail for Boulogne. Henry had meant to
have gone ten miles out to sea with her in the " Harry

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500. 2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 68.

ii2 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Grace a Dieu, 1 but the weather was too threatening, so
he bade his sister good-bye at the water-edge, his last
words being a renewal of his promise about her second
marriage, and hers a passionate reminder. The fleet
set sail, and had not gone far before the fulfilment of
her first marriage became for the moment problematic,
for they " had not sailed a quarter of their voyage in
the sea but that the wind rose and severed the ships,
driving some of them to Calais, some into Flanders,
and her ship and three others with great difficulty were
brought to Boulogne, not without great jeopardy at the
entering of the haven, for the master ran the ship hard
on shore. But the boats were ready and received the lady
out of the ship, and Sir Christopher Garnish [' strong,
sturdy stallion, so sterne and so stowsty'] strode into
the water, and took her in his arms and bare her to
land, where the Duke of Vendome, and a cardinal
with many other great estates, received her with great
honour." 2 At least one ship of the fleet was lost, " The
Great Elizabeth," at Sandgate, close to Calais, and Sir
Weston Browne, the captain, and not a hundred men
escaped out of a company of five hundred.

The useful Marigny 3 at once sent notice to Louis at
Abbeville of the Queen's arrival, and thither, after a
short interval of rest, long enough to squeeze the sea
water from her clothes, went Mary, accompanied all the
way by Longueville, who " made her good cheer,"
Lautrec, the Bishop of Bayeux, and a large company,
and joined on the way by the Duke d'Angouleme,
whom the English annoyed by calling " M. le due," in-

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 503.

2 Stowe's Chronicle, ed. 1592, pp. 828 et seq.
i. 5469 ; Calig. E. i. 79.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 113

stead of "Monsieur" tout court. On the 8th the
company was within a few miles of Abbeville, and at
St Nicholas d'Essarts 1 the princes left Mary to rest and
change and put herself in order, while they rode on to
Abbeville to announce her coming to the King. Louis
was curious to see her, but etiquette forbade his going to
meet her, so he sent back the Dauphin to meet her a
mile or so out of the town, with MM. d'Alengon, de
Longueville, de Lautrec, de la Tremouille, saying that
he intended to happen along the road hawking with his
falcons, and would accidentally meet the Queen at such
and such a place, and Mary was to know nothing of his
intention. At the place appointed, a wide plain a little
over a mile away, the Dauphin met Mary riding a white
palfrey, and wearing a dress of cloth of gold on crimson,
her shaggy hat of crimson silk cocked over her left
eye, and detained her there talking till some horsemen
came in sight. They were the King, the Cardinals of
Auch and Bayeux, M. de Vendome, the Duke of Albany,
Count Galeazzo di San Severino, the master of horse,
and others. Louis wore a short riding dress of the same
stuff as the Queen's, a sure sign that the meeting had
really been pre-arranged, for at this time it was the
fashion when Kings and Queens appeared together in
public that their garments should always be made of
the same material. He rode as jauntily as he could a
beautiful Spanish horse, whose barb was of cloth of gold
and black satin in chequers. As he came up he gallantly
kissed his hand to Mary and expressed his surprise at
this chance meeting, and Mary doffed her hat when told
who this was, and kissed her hand to the King, who
then brought his horse close up to her palfrey and

1 " Lives of the Princesses of England," v. p. 41.
8

ii4 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

" threw his arm round her neck and kissed her as kindly
as if he had been five and twenty." After a few words
with her he greeted the princes and gentlemen of her
company, and then, saying that he would continue his
hunting, he departed and returned home by another
way. 1 He looked exceedingly ill, and Mary seems to
have found him worse than she had imagined. After
Louis had gone the procession was formed. It led off
with fifty of Mary's esquires dressed in silks of several
sorts, all wearing the inevitable gold collar or chain.
Next came the Duke of Norfolk, with the ambassadors
and noblemen two and two, all wearing enormous gold
chains (some cost as much as £600), some doubling and
trebling them round their necks, others wearing them
" prisoner fashion," and all having velvet bonnets of
different colours. Garter King at Arms and Richmond
Herald in their tabards followed, with eight trumpeters
in crimson damask, and macers with gilt maces sur-
mounted by a royal crown ; then two grooms in short
doublets of cloth of gold and black velvet, with velvet
caps, each leading a palfrey, and after these, two other
palfreys ridden by pages. Then came the Queen on
her white palfrey, with the Dauphin always at her
side, and at her stirrup her running footmen, followed
immediately by her litter of cloth of gold, embroidered
with gold lilies in wrought gold. On the back and
front of it were the French lilies and the parti- coloured
roses of York and Lancaster, while on the sides above
and below were dolphins and more red and white roses.
This was borne by two large horses trapped to match the
litter and ridden by two pages in livery. Next followed
the ladies : first a party riding, gay in silks and gold

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 115

brocades, and then four in a carriage covered with gold
brocade patterned in large flowers, and drawn by six
horses trapped to match. Then more ladies on palfreys,
and another carriage, and after that more palfreys, all
decked and trapped in gold brocade and murrey velvet,
with running footmen, and then ten palfreys more in
the same stuffs with pale blue and white fringe. Last
of all came 200 English archers marching two and two
in three divisions ; the first were in doublets of green
satin and surcoats and belts of black velvet, with shaggy
red and white hats ; the second wore black doublets and
shaggy white hats ; the third black with grey hats.
But this was not all. About half a mile out of the
town the chief men of Abbeville met the Queen with
150 men, archers, musketeers, and arbalestmen, all in
red and yellow, and with them the captain of the town
and thirty men in his own livery. These fell in at the
head of the procession, which had swelled to considerable
dimensions before it reached the suburbs. At Notre
Dame de la Chapelle without the walls there seems to
have been a short halt to allow Mary to make final
preparations for her entry, and here she was met by the
clergy. It was now about four o'clock, and a sharp
shower fell, drenching them all, especially the ladies,
and, indeed, " of water from heaven there was no lack
until the evening, which caused some regret." The
procession again formed up. " First went a good number
of archers, musketeers and arbalestmen of the town, all
in their livery of red and yellow ; next the Prevot de
T Hotel with his archers ; then the 400 archers of the
Guard (on foot) with their captains, followed by the
Grand Seneschal of Normandy, with the gentlemen about
eighty in number, including the princes and grandees,

n6 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

who might amount to as many as twenty-five, in gallant
trim of various sorts and many in gold brocade." The
Queen came next, riding under a canopy of white satin
embroidered above and around with roses, and supported
by two porcupines which the clergy had prepared for
her, and which was borne by the officers of the town.
Her dress was now " of gold brocade with a white gown,"
made in English fashion with tight sleeves, " very costly
both in jewels and goldsmith work." She held in her
hand a sceptre of white wood, and all round her under
the canopy were her running footmen, while the Scots
Guards made a second circle just outside the canopy.
The Dauphin rode just beyond the edge of her canopy,
and they laughed and talked together, for " une si belle
personne tout or et diamants plut fort au due de
Valois." x The reality of all this magnificence far ex-
ceeded the description, wrote the Venetian ambassador,
" to the great glory of the Queen." Abbeville
welcomed her with enthusiasm, and trumpets, clarions,
bells and artillery all vied in making the noise without
which jubilation is impossible. The people were
delighted with her, and admired her fair beauty and
gentle manners, for they were not all so critical as the
Venetian ambassador, who at once spotted what he called
the weak point in her face, its light eyebrows and eye-
lashes. Under clangour of bells and blare of trumpets,
and amid the press of her new subjects, Mary, still a
little pale from her recent fatigues and stormy crossing,
rode through the Porte Marcade down the wet chaussee,
all hung with tapestries now damp with rain, meeting
Mysteries and Moralities at every corner, till she came to
the Church of St Wolfran, Abbeville's patron saint,

" Louise de Savoie," by La Maulde Claviere, p. 369.

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. 117

where she dismounted to give thanks. On the Place
where was Mary's lodging her most trying ordeal was
before her, for there awaited her Madame Claude, who
had been " slightly indisposed and unable to go out of
the town to meet her." Mary was of those who thinketh
little evil, and her kind heart was moved at the sight of
that white, plain face, with its sweet expression, and she
met her then, as later, "with, the utmost courtesy and
honour and very lovingly." x The Venetians, who
delighted in spectacles, give no account of Mary's
formal presentation to her husband, and for that reason
I inclined to the belief that Gaguin's 2 account is
apocryphal, and that Mary was allowed to sup in peace
and rest before the ball given by the Duke and Duchess
of Brittany (as Francois and Claude were called by
the English) in the evening. Neither do their letters
mention the homage to St Wolfran, but to give thanks
at the parish church was usual on such occasions and
not likely to have been omitted. What a day for a girl
of nineteen to have passed through ! No wonder she
looked a little pale and weary, but her spirits never
flagged nor her amazing energy, and she showed her
usual zest in dancing and listening to songs and music.
Her people said she cared for nothing in the world so
much as dancing and singing, and that night she danced
and smiled her way into the hearts of the whole
Court, " for she conducts herself with so much grace and
has such good manners." The enthusiastic Venetian
exclaimed, " She is a paradise ! ' and envied the King.
The ball must have been a sumptuous affair. English
and French noblemen vied with one another in

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 509, 510, 511, for description of whole episode.

2 Gaguin, Chronique de France.

n8 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

magnificence, and their ladies, too, were glittering with
jewels and brocades, but in this trial by glory San
Severino was easily the handsomest in his gown of
cloth of gold lined with superb sables. The stuff for it,
ordered specially from Florence, had only arrived the day
before, to the despair of the tailors, who had had to work
all night to have it ready for Sunday's doings.

While one end of the town was dancing and singing,
in the poorer quarter across the river men were fighting
flames for their lives and homes. Fire had seized the
wooden hovels, and no help was to be expected from the
King's men, for the tocsin was not allowed to disturb
the King's amusements. Thickly curtained windows
shut out the sight of the flames from the court, while
the Italians in the house of the Venetian ambassador
watched their progress with vehement prayers for de-
liverance. 1 The high wind fanned them, and many of
the houses were burnt down before the sounds of royal
merriment ceased ; but God was merciful to the Italians,
and the flames were got under before they leapt the
river. Thus by shipwreck and by fire was Mary's new
life ushered in.

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511.

CHAPTER VI

QUEEN OF FRANCE

MARY'S lodging is said to have been " at the
corner of the street leading from the
Castle of Ponthieu to the rue St Giles,"
and this, according to " Le Roi des Ribauds," was
connected by a temporary gallery with the Hotel
Gruthuse, 1 the King's house, from which it was distanced
a short stone's throw. But the gardens adjoined, and
it was by this way, 2 the morning being fine, that the
marriage procession passed about eight o'clock on
Monday, October 9, for the wedding was to take place
an hour later. First walked twenty-six knights two and
two, then followed trumpeters and all sorts of musicians
and macers. Mary came next, escorted by the Duke
of Norfolk and the Marquis of Dorset. She wore a
gown of stiff gold brocade trimmed and lined with
ermine, her headgear was in the English fashion, and
her jewels were of very great price, but she was still
pale and showed traces of fatigue, and, according to the
usual tradition, did not look her best as a bride, for
millinery turns its back on emotions. She was sur-
rounded by her other noblemen, all cap in hand, and
more sumptuously dressed than for the entry, for they
all wore gowns of some kind of cloth of gold lined with

1 " Lives of the Princeses of England," vol. v. p. 42 et seq.

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 508, 510, 511.

"9

120 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

most beautiful sables, or other kind of fine fur, and their
gold chains were wearisome to look at, so burdensome
did they appear in their massiveness. After the noble-
men followed the Queen's gentlewomen and maidens
in gold brocade, one after the other, walking between
two ^ gentlemen cap in hand. Slowly this streak of
moving gold passed from the garden gate to the door
of the hall where the ceremony was to take place, by
a way lined by the gentlemen of the Scots Guards with
their maces in their hands, and by the archers of the
Guard. The crush at the door was very great, and
within the dim hall, lighted by windows representing
the deeds of St Wolfran, was Louis, dressed, like his
wife, in cloth of gold and ermine and seated on a chair
near the altar. When Mary appeared " the King
doffed his bonnet and the Queen curtseyed to the
ground," then he kissed her, and she was seated by
his side on the chair waiting for her under a canopy
held by the princes of France. The treasurer, Robertet,
now handed the King a necklace in which was set "a
great pointed diamond with a ruby almost two inches
long without foil," x and Louis put it round Mary's neck.
Mass then began, and the Dauphin served the King,
while Madame, " with a marvellous sorrow," served
Mary, as she had been wont to do her mother : 2 the
candles were held by princes of France. The Cardinal
of Bayeux married them and then sung Mass, and when
he gave the wafer, one half to the King and the other
to the Queen, Louis, after he had kissed and received
his, turned and kissed his wife. Then Mary again
curtseyed to the ground, and departed to her own

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199.

2 Fleurange, op. dt, t pp. 267-8.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 121

rooms to dine with the French princesses, when she
was waited on by French officers and the JDuke of
Albany. The English ambassadors dined with the
Duke of Brittany and the rest of the company in the
large chamber of the King's palace where open house
was kept for all comers during three days. After
dinner they all danced in the hall till evening, and
the glitter of the company can hardly be imagined —
jewels, cloths of gold and silver, brocades, and brilliant
silks ; beautiful women and fine men, French and
English, it was impossible to say which were the most
richly clad, only an Englishman was always known
by his heavy gold chain. In the evening Louis had
Mary dressed in French fashion and they gave a ball,
and there was more dancing, good cheer, and
banqueting when Mary was served for the last time
by Englishmen, who, clad in cloth of gold, knelt the
whole time. Some thought the French fashion did
not become her so well as the English, others thought
she had never looked better in her life ; but whichever
may be correct, Louis at anyrate could not bear her to
leave his side. She must have chattered away to him
a kind of mixture of her own desires and vague re-
membrances of her brother's wishes, for she asked him
to undertake a new Italian expedition, and told him
she longed above all things to go to Venice, and Louis
promised that they would go together. 1 The evening
passed, " and at the eighth hour before midnight, the
Queen was taken away from the entertainment by
Madame to go and sleep with the King," and "the
next morning, the 10th, the King seemed very jovial
and gay and in love by his countenance."

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 507,

122 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

But alas ! it was not for long. " Ces amoureuses
nopces" x were too much for him, " antique anddebile"
as he was, and the same day the gout gripped him again.
Perhaps it was this that made him take such a profound
dislike to old Lady Guildford and insist on her returning
home. Louis was determined to abide by the original
contract, and said his wife's foreign train was too large.
Lady Guildford distrusted Louis as profoundly as he
disliked her and had an aversion not inexplicable to
leaving her pupil in the hands of such a feeble old man.
She went so far, however, as to refuse to leave them
alone and when Louis would have been " merry " she
was always there with her forbidding look. Still she
was Mary's one stay in the circumstances of her marriage,
and it was hard, much probably as the Queen resented
her assumed airs of authority, to part from her. But
go she had to, though Mary wept and said she
had never expected such treatment, said she would
write to her brother, and told her to wait at Boulogne
till the answer arrived, for she would reinstate her.
Norfolk refused to meddle with the arrangement out of
pique, for the suite was of Wolsey's choosing, not his.
Here is Mary's indignant and peremptory letter : —

" My good Brother, as heartily as I can I recommend
me unto your Grace, marvelling much that I never heard
from you since our departing, so often as I have sent and
written unto you. And now am I left post alone in
effect, for on the morn after marriage my chamberlain
and all other men servants were discharged, and in like
wise my mother Guildford with other my women and
maidens, except such as never had experience nor know-

1 Journal de Louise de Savoie, October 9, 1514.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 123

; ledge how to advertise or give me counsel in any time of
I need, which is to be feared more shortly than your grace
thought at the time of my departing, as my mother
Guildford can more plainly shew your grace than I can
write, to whom I beseech you to give credence. And if
it may be by any mean possible I humbly require you
to cause my said mother Guildford to repair hither
once again. For else if any chance hap other than weal
I shall not know where nor by whom to ask any good
counsel to your pleasure nor yet to mine own profit. I
marvel much that my lord of Norfolk would at all times
so lightly grant everything at their requests here. I
am well assured that when ye know the truth of
everything as my mother Guildford can shew you, ye
would full little have thought I should have been thus
intreated ; that would God my lord of York had come with
me in the room of Norfolk ; for then I am sure I should
have been left much more at my heartsease than I am now.
And thus I bid your grace farewell with [mutilated]
as ever had Prince : and more heartsease than I have now.
[I beseech] give credence to my mother Guildford.
By your loving sister,

Mary, Queen of France." x

Not content with this, on the same date, the day
before Lady Guildford and the rejected suite returned to
England, she wrote to Wolsey : "I recommend me
unto you as heartily as I can, and as showeth [be not]
intreated as the King and you thought I should have
been, for the morn after the marriage all my servants,
both men and women, were discharged. Insomuch that
my mother Guildford was also discharged, whom as you

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5488 ; Calig. D. vi. 253.

124 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

know the King and you willed me in anywise to be
counselled. But for anything I might do in no wise
might I have any grant for her abode here, which I
assure you, my lord, is much to my discomfort, besides
many other discomforts, that ye would full little have
thought. I have not yet seen in France any lady or
gentlewoman so necessary for me as she is, nor yet so meet
to do the King my brother service as she is. And for
my part, my lord, as you love the King, my brother,
and me, find the means that she may in all haste come
hither again, for I had as lief lose the winning I shall
have in France to lose her counsel when I shall lack it,
which is not like long to be required as I am sure the
noblemen and gentlemen can shew you more than be-
cometh me to write in this matter. I pray you my lord
give credence to my mother Guildford in everything
concerning this matter. And albeit my lord of Norfolk
hath neither dealt with me nor yet with her at this time,
yet I pray you to be a good lord unto her. And would
to God my [ . . . "] had been so good to have had
you with me hither when I had my lord of Norfolk.
And thus fare ye well, my lord. My lord, I pray you
give credence to my [mother Guild]ford in my sorrows
she have delyre. [?]

From your own while I live,

Mary, Queen of France." l

Poor Mary, she was already paying dear, she thought,
for her jewels, and was little consoled that day by her
husband's new gifts of rubies and diamonds and pearls.
But Louis had a story of his own to tell, for Henry and
Wolsey both wrote on the subject, the bishop as fol-

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5489 ; Calig. D. vi. 143.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 125

lows: * — " Since the King, my sovereign lord and master,
your good brother had ordered on account of the true,
perfect, and entire confidence which he had in Mistress
Guildford that she should be with the Queen, his sister,
your wife, on account of the good manners and experi-
ence which he knew her to have, and also because she
speaks the language well : in order also that the said
Queen, his sister, might be better advised, and taught
by her how she ought to conduct herself towards you
under all circumstances, considering, moreover, that the
Queen, his said good sister, is a young lady and that
she should be abroad, not understanding the language
perfectly, and having no acquaintance with any of the
ladies there, to whom she might disclose such feelings
as women are given to, and that she had no one of her
acquaintance to whom she could familiarly tell and disclose
her mind, that she might find herself desolate as it were,
and might thereby entertain regret and displeasure,
which peradventure might cause her to have some sick-
ness and her bodily health to be impaired, which God
forbid, and should such an accident happen, I believe,
Sir, that you would be most grieved and displeased.
And whereas, Sir, I have known and understood that
the said Mistress Guildford is at Boulogne on her return
here, and that she was entirely discharged, doubting lest
the King, my master, should he know it, might think it
somewhat strange, I have ventured to write to the said
lady to tarry awhile in the said town of Boulogne until
I had written to you my poor and simple opinion on
this subject, which Sir, I now do. And, by your leave,
Sir, it seems to me that you should retain her for some

1 Bethune MS. 8466, f. 61, Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted by Mrs Green,
op. cit., p. 48.

126 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

time in the service of the Queen, your wife, and not
discharge her so suddenly, seeing and considering that
the King, your said good brother, has taken her from a
solitary place which she had never intended to quit, to
place her in the service of the Queen, his good sister.
And I have no doubt, Sir, that when you know her well
you will find her a wise, honourable, and confidential
lady, very desirous and earnest to follow out in all
things possible to her, your wish or pleasure in all that
you may order or command, whatever report has been
or may be made to the contrary." Gerard Danet 1 had
been sent on with letters to Wolsey, while the good
lady planted herself at Boulogne to await the develop-
ment of events which she expected would make for her
restoration, and on his way to Canterbury had fallen in
with Suffolk. The Duke wrote at once to Wolsey of the
affair in which he saw the hands of the Howards, " fader
and son," and asked Wolsey to see that something
was done, for if Mary was not well treated they would
be blamed. But Louis would have none of her. First
he remarked dryly to the English agent 2 that " his wife
and he be in good and perfect love as ever two creatures
can be, and both of age to rule themself, and not to
have servants that should look to rule him or her. If
his wife have need of counsel or to be ruled he is able
to do it, but he was sure it was never the Queen's mind
or desire to have her again, for as soon as she came
aland, and also when he was married, she began to take
upon her not only to rule the Queen but also that she
should not come to him but that she should be with
her, nor that no lady nor lord should speak with her but |

« L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5512 ; Calig. D. vi. 147.
2 Ibid., i. 5553 ; Calig. D. yi. 201.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 127

she should hear it, and began to set a murmur and a
banding among the ladies of the court." "And then he
swore that there was never man that better loved his
wife than he did, but or he would have such a woman
about her he had liefer be without her." He was sure
that when Henry knew all, he would be satisfied. "For
in nowise he would not have her about his wife, also he
said that he is a sickly body and not at all times that
[he would] be merry with his wife to have any strange
wo[man there] but one that he is well acquainted with
[and before whom he] durst be merry, and that he is
sure [the Queen his] wife is content withal for he hath
set [about her neither] lady or gentle- woman to be with
her for her [mistress but her] servants and to obey her
commandments." But poor Lady Guildford's unkindest
cut was to come from her young mistress, for three weeks
after those impassioned letters Mary calmly assured the
Earl of Worcester that " she loved my Lady Guildford
well, but she is content that she come not, for she is in
that case that she may well be without her, for she may
do what she will," l and Worcester adds rather doubt-
fully, " I pray God that so it may continue to his
pleasure."

The dismissing of the sheep dog was done by Louis
but the rest of the suite, save those in the original
contract, was got rid of in a much more ceremonious
fashion by means of the Council. 2 Francis d'Angouleme
was at the bottom of it, for he did and undid all in
the court, and with him just now the English
ambassadors had to reckon. He was cordiality itself,
and sent florid messages to Henry, desiring Worcester

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5553 ; Calig. D. vi. 201.

2 Ibid., i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199.

128 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

" that sithens the Duke of Angouleme might not come
to your presence, to bear the Earl of Angouleme's heart
to you," * and many " other good and hearty words."
He had cause for contentment if any man of his
upbringing, ambitions and temperament ever had, for
his chances of a near throne were increased rather
than diminished by Louis' marriage, which had so
enfeebled the King that he could not leave his bed " and
maketh semblance as he would depart every day, but
yet he lieth still ever excusing him by his gout." 2 And
his dutiful son-in-law gaily retailed to his friend
Fleuranges the greatest joy he had ever had in his
whole life of twenty years; "Je suis sure, ou on m'a
bien fort menti, qu'il est impossible que le Roi et
la Reine puissent avoir enfants." 3 Hence partly his
cordiality to the king, who had sent " une hacquenee
pour le [Louis] porter plus vite et plus doucement en
Enfer ou au Paradis."

On Friday, October, 13, the English departed laden
with presents of plate, and with them Mary's rejected
household, leaving Lady Elizabeth Grey, Mary Fenes,
Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth Grey [of Wilton], and Anne
Jerningham, most of them young and inexperienced.
She retained in all thirteen men, including Dr Denton,
her almoner, and Maitre Guillaume, her physician, and
six women, with Jean Barnes, " the chamberiere."
Mary's eight trumpeters went away with their pockets
full of gold from the King, Monsieur, Madame, and the
whole court, while the French court musicians and
singers were far from content, for the King had for-
bidden them at the peril of their lives to go to play

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199.

2 Ibid. 3 Fleurange, op. cit., p. 269.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 129

or sing as wandering minstrels for money in the
lodgings of the English. The Court continued at
Abbeville till after the 20th, and Mary was continually
by the bedside of her husband, who, she told the
ambassadors, " maketh as much of her as it is possible
for any man to make of a lady." * She played to
him on her lute and sang, and he was never happy
but in her presence, and emptied his seven coffers
of jewels slowly into her lap. The Dauphin and
Longueville were her very good friends, and both
asked her to use her influence with Henry for the
deliverance at a reduced ransom of French prisoners
in whom they were interested, and she wrote twice
on the subject to her brother. There is little doubt
that Mary found Francis an amusing companion, and
she probably flirted with her son-in-law, for, after all,
she was but nineteen and he but twenty, and now
she was allowed to do as she liked. Henry did not
write to her, but did to his brother-in-law, who had
written to him to tell of his joy in the prospect of
having an heir. Henry replied that he hoped the
rather capricious nature of his sister would not
upset these conjugal felicities, "et ainsi lui donnames
avisement et conseil avant son departement, et ne
faisons aucun doute l'un jour plus que l'autre ne la
trouvez telle que doit etre envers vous et faire
toutes choses qui vous peuvent venir a gr£, plaisir ou
contentement."

Before the departure of the English from Abbe-
ville the Dauphin had caused a joust to be proclaimed
which was considered of extraordinary character. In
November, after the entry of the Queen into Paris

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199.
9

130 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

lie, with nine aides, would answer at the barrier all
vomers that were gentlemen of name and arms, on
horseback and on foot. " The laws of horseback were
that with sharp speares they should run five courses
at Tilt and five more at Randon, being well armed and
covered with pieces of advantage for their best defeDce.
After this to fight twelve strokes with sharpe swords.
This being done, he and his aides offered to fight at
Barriers with the same persons with a hand spear and
a sword." x The French herald had carried the pro-
clamation of the jousts to England, and " the Duke of
Suffolk, the Marquis of Dorset, and his four brethren,
the Lord Clinton, Sir Edward Nevile, Sir Giles Capell,
Thomas Cheyne, and others got licence of the King
to go over to this challenge." 2 When Suffolk met
Dannet at Canterbury he was on his way to Boulogne,
where he landed on October 20, and after, no doubt,
visiting Lady Guildford with what comfort he could,
he set out with the Marquis and his brothers, who
were all awaiting him " in grey coats and hoods because
they would not be known." 3 The Duke was eager
to " stryke wyet the Frynche King," 4 and his one
dread was that the Council, i.e. the Duke of Norfolk
and his son, the Earl of Surrey, would insist on his
returning home before this was accomplished, " Where-
fore, my lord," he wrote to Wolsey, "I beseech you
nold your hand fast that I be not sent for back." It
was Suffolk's first visit to France, and his idea of
distance was insular, not continental, for he expected to
be in Paris the day after his landing at Boulogne, but

1 Herbert's History of Henry VIII., pp. 51 et seq.

2 Stow's Chronicle, ed. 1592, pp. 848 et seq. 3 Ibid.
4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5512 ; Calig. D. vi. 147.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 131

travelling rapidly and passing by Abbeville to Beauvais,
they came up with the Court there on the 25th. On
hearing of their arrival Louis sent for Suffolk at once
to come to him alone, and the Duke was brought
straight into the King's room, where he was in bed,
with the Queen sitting beside him. Suffolk did his
" rywarynes and knyelled down by his bed sede ; [the
nobleman's own spelling] and soo he brassed me in
hes armes and held me a good wyell, and said I
was hartylle wyecoum and axsed me, How dows men
esspysseal good brodar whom I am so moche bounden
to lowf abouf hall the warld ? " x Suffolk assured Louis
of Henry's goodwill and thanks for the honour and
love showed to his sister. " And upon that his Grace
said that there should [be nothing] that he will spare
to do your grace's pleasure a service, with as hearty
manner as ever I saw a man : and, Sir, I said unto
him that your Grace would do unto him in like
case ; and he said, I doubt it not, for I know well the
nobleness, and trust so much in your master that I
reckon I have of him the greatest jewel that ever one
prince had of another." At this appropriate moment
Suffolk rose from his knees and made his reverence
unto the Queen. He gave her her brother's messages
and Queen Katharine's, and was more than relieved
to see that Mary could control her feelings and
order herself wisely and honourably, "the which I
assure your Grace rejoiced me not a little ; your
Grace knows why." Then he goes on, "for I
think there was never queen in France that hath
demeaned herself more honourably or wiselier, and
so says all the noble men in France that have seen

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5523 ; Calig. D. vi. 149.

i 3 2 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

her demeanour, the which letted not to speak of it ;
and as for the King [there was] never a man that
set his mind more upon [woman] than he does on her,
because she demeans herself so winning unto him,
the which I am sure [will be no] little comfort unto
your Grace." The conversation turned upon the coming
jousts, and the Duke said it would be little honour
to win, seeing there were two or three hundred
answerers, and Louis said that he would introduce
him and the Marquis to the Dauphin to be his aides,
and sent for Francis. He came showing himself all
regard and courtesy, and in his exaggerated way declared
them not aides only but brothers, and carried Suffolk
off to supper. There again the conversation was all
of jousting and the King of England's prowess, and
Francis, with great tact, would talk of nothing but his
admiration for Henry's skill. During this interview
there is no mention of the " trwcheman " in the French
language which last year Suffolk had found necessary,
so that he must have taken lessons since his Flemish
courtship.

With Suffolk's coming to the Court Mary's difficulties-
increased, for it was noticed that she gave him many
marks of her friendship, but the Duke, according
to the testimony of the Marquis of Dorset, behaved
himself well and wisely in all matters, and the
Dauphin's jealous precautions 1 (he insisted that his
wife should never leave the Queen alone for a
single minute by day, and that Madame d'Aumont
should sleep in her room at night) seemed absolutely
unnecessary to any who had not been brought up
by Louise de Savoie.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5569 ; Calig. D. vi. 188.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 133

The Queen had the pleasure of seeing Suffolk for one
day only at Beauvais, and the day after the interview
the English departed with Francis for Paris, hunting
the boar by the way, when Suffolk and Dorset both
killed, and on the 28th they came to Paris to
"commune" about the jousts and to see about armour
and trappings. The Court came on behind more slowly,
and did not arrive at St Denis till the 30th, where,
during the feasts of All Hallows and All Souls, they
remained quietly in the Abbey. On Friday, Novem-
ber 3, about ten o'clock, the English ambassadors for the
Coronation, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Dorset,
the Earl of Worcester, the Lord of St Johns [i.e. the
prior of the English langue of the Order of St John of
Jerusalem in England], and Dr West, were sent for, and
the ceremony was announced for the following Sunday. 1
After this official visit, Suffolk was commanded to the
King's lodging to see the two princesses. When he
came in, the King " mad me to kyes hys dawttares," 2
and they conversed for some time about Wolsey's
affairs. These were going smoothly, for at Abbeville
Louis had ordered the French bishop-elect to retire from
the contest and had told Robertet to compensate him,
and now Longueville said that everything possible was
being done about the Cardinalate. The immediate
question to be settled with the ambassadors was the
meeting of the two kings, and there was an
amicable haggle over the place. While the King
was entertaining the Duke, Mary had received a
very important visitor, Louise de Savoie, mother of the
Dauphin. She arrived in Paris at eleven o'clock on

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5547 ; Calig. D. vi. 153.

2 Ibid.

134 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the 3rd, " et celui mesme jour sans me reposer je feus
conseillee d'aller saluer la reine Marie a St Denys :
et sortis de la ville de Paris a trois heures apres
midy avec grand nombre de gentishommes." * It is
very regrettable that she did not record in her
diary her opinion of the Queen, but, on the other
hand, it proves that there was nothing to be said
against Mary, for in that case it would certainly
have been her pleasure to write it.

On Sunday, November 5, the Queen was crowned.
The English were brought to the church by M. de
Montmorency, and an hour after Mary came in with a
great company of noblemen and ladies. The Dauphin
led her, and before her went the Dukes of Alencon,
Bourbon, Longueville, Albany, the Count of Venddme,
and the Count of St Pol, with many others. The Queen
kneeled before the altar, and was anointed by the
Cardinal of Brie, who delivered to her the sceptre and
the vierge of justice, put a ring upon her finger, and
lastly set the crown upon her head, "which done the
Duke of Brittany (i.e. the Dauphin) led her to a stage
made on the left side of the altar, where she was set in
a chair, under a c[loth of State], and the said Duke stood
behind her holding th[e crown] from her head to ease
her by the weight thereo[f. And] then the High Mass
sungen by the said Cardinal, whereat the Queen de-
parted. After Agnus she [was] houseld. Mass done,
she departed to the p[alace] and we to our lodgings to
our dinners." 2 Louis had watched the ceremony
privately, and next day he left the abbey about seven

1 "Journal de Louise de Savoie," November 3, 1514.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5560 ; Calig. D. vi. 205.

QUEEN OF FRANCE 135

in the morning for Paris, and Mary followed about nine
to make her solemn entry. After dinner at the Chapelle
St Denis began the wearisome ceremonial, a repetition
on a more grandiose scale of the entry into Abbeville.
The city sent deputations to greet her, the law and the
merchants likewise, and as Mary's French was not equal
to the burden of replying to their welcome, the Arch-
bishop of Paris had to be her spokesman. This was
just outside the barriers, where the procession was
formed, a replica of that at Abbeville. There were the
same guards, the mingling of the French and English
heralds, royal and noble, the Princes of the blood, the
Queen's courser and palfrey, and then Mary, this time
seated in her litter of state, wearing her crown, glittering
with jewels worn on her gown of cloth of gold and in her
hair. The Dauphin, "lui aussi tout or et diamants,"
again rode by her side, and they frequently spoke
together. Then followed as before the ladies, the
French princesses, and the State carriages of the
Queen with her ladies and damsels. At the Porte
St Denis the trades were waiting with a canopy of
cloth of gold embroidered with roses and lilies, and
this they bore over the Queen, but, once inside the
gate, another halt had to be made to allow a second
canopy borne by the merchants and burgesses to be
placed over that of the trades. At this point was
an allegorical display on a tapestry-covered scaffold
of the arms of the city of Paris, a galley under
sail with the four winds blowing with bursting
cheeks upon it. On the deck were Ceres and Bacchus,
while Paris held the tiller. Sailors manned the yards
and chanted,

136 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

" Noble dame bien soit venue en France :
Par toi vivons en plaisir et en joye,
Francoys, Angloys vivent a leur plaisance :
Louange a Dieu du bien qu'il nous envoy e."

Mary's courteous grace in acknowledging the acclama-
tion with which she was greeted as usual pleased the
people, and she passed on down the tapestry-hung
streets, and through the crowds of cheering people,
passed the Fontaine du Ponceau, where the water
was scattered over two plants, a lily and a rose ; passed
the convent of the Holy Trinity, where she saw herself
presenting the Pax to her husband, passed the Porte
au Peintres, the Holy Innocents, and then on by the
Chatelet, where Justice and Truth met together,
and she herself, labelled " Stella Maris," was in the
foreground, to the Palais Royale, where the angel
Gabriel was greeting Mary in the field of France,
and they sang,

" Comme la paise entre Dieu et les hommes
Par le moyen de la vierge Marie
Fut jadis faicte, ainsy a present somme
Bourgoys Francoys deschargez de nos sommes
Car Marie avecque nous se marie."

But this was not the end, though the afternoon was
wearing on. The procession now proceeded to Notre
Dame de Paris, where all the learned in theology,
law and medicine met her in their furred gowns,
and outside the church she was harangued by a
venerable doctor. Through the open doors of the
Cathedral could be seen dimly the group of great
ecclesiastics waiting to welcome her. Mary got out
of her litter and entered the doors, and at once the
bells rang out, and the organs sounded, while the

QUEEN OF FRANCE 137

whole clergy chanted the Te Deum, as they turned
and led the procession to the high altar. There the
whole company adored the Mass, and then the
Archbishop of Paris bade the Queen welcome. Back
again in her litter to the Palais Koyale (and it was
now six o'clock) went the Queen with no chance of
rest, for the gargantuan part of her day's work re-
mained, and she had to sup in public at the celebrated
marble table, the centre of the government of France.
In the Grande Salle the doric pillars were all surrounded
by sideboards laden with gold and silver plate, the
walls were hung with tapestry, and the air was so
melodious with clarion and trumpet, that it seemed
paradise rather than a room in an earthly palace.
Mary had Madame Louise de Savoie, and her daughter
the Duchess of Alencon, with the Duchess of Nevers,
at her table, while her ladies, English and French,
dined near by. There were many wonderful dishes
of the four and twenty blackbirds type ; a phoenix
beating its wings till fire consumed it ; a cock and
a hare jousting ; a St George on horseback leading La
Pucelle against the English. The heralds and musicians
cried " Largesse," and Mary gave to them a ship
of silver, and at last, after being rejoiced by a few
more pastimes and diversions, she was at liberty to
take her leave. 1 Next day after Mass she rode to
the Hotel des Tournelles (which Suffolk calls Turnells
tout court), and there she found her husband awaiting
her. The remainder of the week was filled by
ceremonies incident to the presentations of gifts by
the guilds and merchants of the city of Paris, but
Mary found time to write to Wolsey for temporary

1 Vespasian B. ii., quoted by Mrs Green, op. cit, pp. 56 et seq.

138 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

help till her estate was settled for her whilom French
master, John Palsgrave, who had not returned to
England with the rest of her rejected train, but had
made his way to Paris, evidently encouraged by his
mistress, in order to study. 1

* L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5582. RO.

CHAPTER VII

THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS

ON MONDAY, September 28, before the
marriage, Montjoye, the French Herald, had
carried the French challenge to England, and
the jousts had been proclaimed at Canterbury by the
Garter King at Arms. The date now had been
definitely fixed for November 13, and nothing else
was talked of in Paris, while the Dauphin was and had
been so busy with the arrangements that he had not
attended any councils, nor taken part in any of the
deliberations with the English ambassadors. 1 The Earl
of Dorset had no very exalted opinion of him as a
j ouster, and he told Wolsey that " we found him and
his company not like as they have been named ; for
though they do run trimly and handle themself well
[enough] with their small and light staves, they could
not well trim themselves in their harn[ess but] be content
to have our poor advices." 2 But if he knew little about
harness he took delight in organizing the ceremonies
of the occasion, and erected an arch triumphant at Les
Tournelles, in the rue St Antoine, on which four shields
were to be placed, and the rules were " that he who
would touch any of them must first enter his name and
arms. That he who touched the first which was silver
should run at tilt according to the articles, who touched

1 La Maulde Claviere, o}). cit. 370.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5569 ; Calig. D. vi. 188.

139

i 4 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the golden should run at Randon as above mentioned.
He that touched the black shield should fight on foot
with hand spears or swords for the one hand : six foynes
with the hand spear, and then eight strokes to the
most advantage (if the spear so long held), and after
that twelve strokes with the sword. He that touched
the tawny shield should cast a spear on foot with a
target on his arm and after fight with a two-handed
sword." 1 The weather made the preparations difficult.
It poured constantly, and the floor of the lists was every
day a serious question, for the sand strewn upon it was
daily washed away. 2 Francis was determined that the
tourney should outshine in all things the tales he had
heard of English magnificence, and money flowed like
water, "une veritable d^bauche d'or et d'argent."
Armourers, painters and tailors were all reaping a
golden harvest, and he borrowed and bought horses
wherever he could. 3 It was all for a woman's eyes too,
for the Dauphin's passion for his mother-in-law was
becoming notorious, and the story goes that he had
even arranged to surprise Mary one night in her room,
but was prevented by a friend of his own, whose
reasoning was too forcible to be disregarded. 4 His
mother also remonstrated, and it was possibly at this
time that Suffolk had " words " with him. Francis had
to content himself with outdoing his rival in millinery,
for it was absurd that he should have even hoped to
overcome him in the lists, and for this he had no
opportunity, though Suffolk had hoped and longed to
come to strokes with the French King, and, failing

1 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 51 et seq.

2 La Maulde Claviere, op. cit. 377.

3 Ibid. 4 Ibid., 383.

THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS 141

him, with Francis. Suffolk and Dorset rode with the
Dauphin's other aides, and wore, like the rest, cloth of
gold covered with cloth of silver with trappings of
cloth of gold and crimson satin for their horses. The
officers of the lists, the musicians, and all connected
with the fete were glittering in the same stuffs. At
last the longed-for Monday arrived. Louis was so
feeble that he was carried in a litter and lay on a couch
in the royal stand, while Mary sat beside him. She was
received, as usual, with acclamation. From the very
opening of the jousts the English champions were the
heroes of the crowd, especially Suffolk, whose prowess
easily placed him first. All the chivalry of France was
there : Bourbon, Lorraine, St Pol, Aragon [the bastard],
Lautrec, Bayard, Bonnivet, Montmorency; and the
Marquis of Dorset modestly described the English
fortunes to Wolsey. On Monday, the 13th inst, the
jousts began, and continued three days. The Duke of
Suffolk and he ran three days and lost nothing. One
Frenchman was slain at the tilt and divers horses.
" On Saturday, the 18th, the tourney and course in the
field began as roughly as ever I saw, for there were
divers times both horse and man overthrown, horses slain
and one French man hurt that he is not like to live.
My lord of Suffolk and I ran the first day thereat, but
put our aides thereto because there was no nobleman to-
be put unto us ; but poor men of arms and Scots, many
of them, were hurt on both sides, but no great hurt, and
of our Englishmen none overthrown nor greatly hurt
but a little° of their hands." On Tuesday, the 21st, the
fighting on foot began, " to the which they brought an
Almayn that never came into the field before and put
him to my lord of Suffolk to have us put to shame, but

142 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

-advantage they gat none of us, but rather the contrary.
I forbear to write more of our chances because I am
party therein. I ended without any manner hurt. My
lord of Suffolk is a little hurt in his hand." *■ The over-
whelming superiority of his rival roused all that was
meanest in Francis. He had been slightly wounded in
the hand, a mere nothing, which sent his mother into
convulsions, and therefore not being present, he, as
Dorset said above, " brought a man secretly which in all
the court of France was the tallest and strongest man ; and
he was an Almayn ; and put him in the place of another
person to have had the Duke of Suffolk rebuked. The
same great Almayn came to the bars fiercely with face
hid, because he would not be known, and bare his spear
to the Duke of Suffolk with all his strength, and the
Duke him received, and for all his strength put him by
strong strokes from the barriers, and with the butt end
of the spear strake the Almayn that he staggered ; but
for all that the Almayn strake strongly and hardly at
the Duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes to
be foughten than were appointed ; but when they saw
the Almayn reel and stagger then they let fall the rail
between them." 2 "Then they took some breath and
returned to fight again ; when the Duke so pommelled
the Almayn about the head that blood gushed from his
nose, which being done the Almayn was conveyed away
secretly." 3 And so Francis was hoist with his own
petard, and gained neither fight nor mistress, for Mary's
feelings, national and personal, were roused to scorn by
this attempt to steal her lover's glory. She had already

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5606 ; Calig. D. vi. 192.

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 572.

3 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 51 et seq.

THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS 143

complained to the English ambassadors of his attentions
as would seem by Suffolk's letter of November 18,
when he said the Queen had disclosed to him and to
Dorset divers things which they felt they could not
wholly repeat to their fellow ambassadors or write
safely in a letter, but which made them anxious to leave
her in the hands of good friends. 1 Louis, in his love for
his wife, his hatred of his successor, and his honest
appreciation of a good fight, was entirely in sympathy
with his wife, and told her, she repeated exultingly to
the Englishmen, that they had shamed all France and
that they would carry the prize into England. 2 Francis
was for the moment eclipsed, and Louis consulted him
no more, but transacted business in his bedroom with
Mar/ by his side. But the Dauphin was of that
enviable band who never feel the shame of defeat
and never allow mere personal feelings to interfere
jwith their future, and he gave up for the moment
(his pursuit of his mother-in-law and threw himself
just as ardently into his intrigue with Madame de
Chateaubriant.

The Earl of Dorset and the other ambassadors, all
pensioners of the French treasury, were to return to
England on the 27th or 28th, but Suffolk, who had
received a large sum of money and also a pension,
remained to transact some secret business for the
recovery of Navarre. The departure of the English
marked practically the close of the marriage festivities,
for with the exception of another "repas pantagruelique "
at the Hotel de Ville, given by the city to the Queen
and Court, followed by a florid oration from a deputation

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5590 ; Calig. D. yi. 156.
2 Ibid., i. 5606 ; Calig. D. vi. 192.

144 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

from the University, Mary lived quietly with her
husband at St Germains-en-Laye, whither the Court had
retired on the 23rd.

The French chroniclers, who suggest that Mary's one
idea was to have a son, and to give an heir to France,
go certain lengths in their inferences which are not
borne out by such contemporary papers as are to be
found. Above all, they presuppose that the Queen was
capable of a subtle policy to supplant the Dauphin with
his own bastard, or failing that with Suffolk's. Against
the first possibility has to be put the fact that she was
in love with Suffolk, and that this constantly overlay
her attitude to Francis, for she was always more woman
than queen ; against the second, that Suffolk's career
depended entirely on his master's pleasure and his
happiness on the famous water-side promise, so that it
would have been sheer madness in him to have risked
either, when before his eyes Death was preparing to do
his part in his future felicity. Why should he be the
lover of his master's sister and heir, when a few months
might see him her husband ? He was also ambitious.
The judgment of French writers falls short of the events,
and is bound up with the sentiment of Francis couplet,

"Souvent femme varie
bien fol qui s'y fi. — "

Above all, Mary had no political genius, and one
suspects her of being mentally incapable of either
conceiving or carrying out such a plan.

The second week in December saw Suffolk depart,
carrying with him the good wishes of Louis, who said he
had seldom seen a man he liked better, and wrote to
Henry that his " virtues, manners, politeness, and good

FRANCIS I

FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FRENCH SCHOOL)

THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS 145

condition " deserved the greatest honours. 1 The secret
business had been dispatched. Henry, to revenge
himself on Spain and Flanders, revived his father's
policy, and wanted to claim the throne of Castile in the
right of his wife, and he asked Louis to co-operate in
Navarre. On this subject the King and the Duke
mutually groped at one another with pleasant words,
till they arrived at the conclusion that Louis was
willing to join Henry, but in return pressed his own
claims on Milan, and asked for help towards the
recovery of that duchy. Suffolk also bore the news
that the King of France was desperately ill, for it was
easily seen that the doctors had been right and that
Louis would never recover the strength shattered by
his marriage. The change from methodical sobriety to
fetes and late hours ; he used to go to bed at six, and
now it was generally midnight ; the constant excitement
and movement were too much for his feeble health,
and, as has been seen, he had spent much of the time
• since his marriage in bed or on a couch. Fleurange's
contemporary account of these last days is worth
quoting : " Le roi partit du palais (S. Germain- en-
Laye) et s'en vint loger aux Tournelles a Paris parce-
que le lieu est en meilleur air, et aussi ne se sentait pas
fort bien, car il avait voulu faire du gentil compagnon
avec sa femme; mais il s'abusait, car il n'e'tait pas
» homme pour ce faire : car de longtemps il etait fort
malade et sp^cialement des gouttes, et avoir deja cinq
ou six ans qu'il en avait cuide^ mourir, car il fut
abandonne par les medecins et vivait d'un merveilleuse-
ment grand regime lequel il rompit quand il fut avec sa
femme; et lui disaient bien les medecins que s'il

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5717 ; Calig. D. vi. 146.

146 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

continuait il en mourrait pour se jouir. Ceux de la
basoche a Paris disaient que le roi d'Angleterre avait
envoy e une hacquen^e au roi 'de France pour le
porter bientot et plus doucement en enfer ou au paradis.
Toutefois lui e*tant malade envoy a querir Monsieur
d'Angouleme, et lui dit qu'il se trouvait fort mal et que
jamais n'en ^chaperait ; de laquelle chose le dit sieur
le reconfortait a son pouvoir, et qu'il faisait ce qu'il
pouvait. Et fit le dit seigneur Roi a sa mort tout
plein de mines ; Nonobstant quand il se fut bien
deTendu contre la mort il mourut par un premier jour
de l'an, sur lequel jour fit le plus horrible temps que
jamais on vit." x

The traditional picture of Mary during these days
shows her at his bedside, amusing him by singing and
playing, and the last letter of Louis XII., written a few
days before his death to Henry VIII. , is in praise of his
wife, "who has hitherto conducted herself, and still does
every day towards me in such a manner that I cannot
but be delighted with her, and love and honour her
more and more each day." 2 Tradition also says that
she was kept in ignorance of her husband's hopeless
condition, and that on the night of his death she had
gone off to bed as usual, believing that this was only
a rather worse attack. 3 But the young Queen had eyes
in her head and could use them, and that she was
expecting the event and that Suffolk had gone homej
prepared for it is seen by Wolsey's letter of the last
days of December, or the early days of January, wherein

1 Fleurange, op. cit, xlv. 271 et seq.

2 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5717 ; Calig. D. vi. 146.

3 " Epitre de la reine Marie : Epitres Morales et Familieres,"
J. Bouchet.

THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS 147

he offers his consolation in the danger, and perhaps
death, of the King, for " in likelihood or this time he is
departed to the mercy of God," and though she was
not there at midnight when the long struggle ended,
her representatives were.

Thus, on New Year's Day, 1515, the Dauphin's lucky
day, Francis I. began to reign at Paris, while the same
day Brussels saw her Prince also take up the reins of
government.

CHAPTER VIII

THE WHITE QUEEN AND THE DUKE. THE SECRET

MARRIAGE

TRADITION says that Mary fainted on being
told of the death of her husband, and in spite
of the covert sneers of his countrymen, the
thing is not impossible, for her situation, difficult as it
had been, became now a hundred times more so, and
for the moment she might easily fall under its weight.
For the moment there were ceremonies to be gone
through, and the King had to be carried away from the
palace to the melancholy sound of the tinkling
"campanes" and cries of "le bon roi Louis, pere du
peuple, est mort," to lie in state in the church of Notre
Dame, and afterwards through the mud to St Denis for
burial, while his widow had to flit from Les Tournelles
to the Clugny Palace by the river, where la Reine
Blanche, as the widow of the French King was always
called, was expected to mourn for six weeks. There,
clad in white, the Queen was supposed to keep her bed
for that time, with curtained windows and by candle
light, secluded from the world and surrounded by her
women. Francis showed himself very sympathetic,,
and Mary kept the same state there as though she
had been Queen, while every evening he visited her and
comforted her according to his views. The Venetian

ambassador says that Mary at once said that the Dauphin
i 4 8

THE WHITE QUEEN 149

could call himself King, for she was not going to have
a child, but, as was the custom, he had to wait three
weeks before etiquette allowed him to assume the
title.

News was at once sent by Mary to England, and
she awaited letters which would tell her that her brother
was going to keep the promise he had given at the
water-side at Dover. For there had been, she herself
confessed it, at some time or other stolen meetings
between her and Suffolk, and sweet words, and with
the short memory of youth she had already cast the
disagreeable past behind her and was looking into the
future. The first letter which reached her was the
one from Wolsey x already quoted, written before
the news of Louis's death had reached England. He
offered his consolation and advice " how your Grace
shall demean [yourself] being in this heaviness and
among strangers far from [your] most loving brother,
and other your assumed friends and servants. Touch-
ing your consolation, I most heartily beseech your Grace
with thanksgiving to God to take wisely and patiently
such visitation of Almighty God, against whose ordinance
no earthly creature may be, and not by extremity of
sorrow to hurt your noble person." He assured her
that Henry will not forsake her, and begs her for the old
service the writer has done her to do nothing without
the advice of his Grace, however she should be
persuaded to the contrary, and to let nothing pass her
mouth, " whereby any person in these parts may have
[you] at any advantage. And if any motions of
marriage or other fortune to be made unto you in no
wise give hearing to them. And thus doing, ye shall

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 15 j Calig. D. vi. 268.

ISO MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

not fail to have the King fast and loving to you, to
attain to your desire [and come] home again into
England with as much honour as [Queen ever] had.
And for my part to the effusion of my [blood and
spen]ding of my goods I shall never forsake nor
leav[e you.] " Henry sent her his surgeon, Master John, 1
with letters of comfort, telling her to make ready to
return to England, but for all that her letter to him
shows she was in very low spirits, with fits of hysterical
crying and toothache. 2

As was to be expected, the party opposed to Suffolk
and Wolsey in the Council, led by Norfolk, used all
means to prevent the marriage, and attacked Mary
herself through her confessor, Father Langley, 3 who
came to her one day to ask her to be shriven. But
she said no, she had no mind for confession, and would
say nothing of what was in her mind. " And then the
said friar shewed her that he had the same day said
mass, and he sware by the Lord he had that day
consecrated and that under benedicite he would shew
her divers things that were of truth, and of which he
had perfect knowledge, desiring her to give him
hearing and to keep the same to herself." Then he
went on to tell her of the bruit in England that she
was to be married to Suffolk, and advised her to
beware of him, for he and Wolsey meddled with the
devil, and by his puissance they kept their master
subject to them, especially Suffolk, who had caused the
disease in Sir William Compton's leg. This Father
Langley knew for a fact, she need have no doubt of its
truth, and the only thing to be done to save her soul

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 81 ; Calig. D. vi. 251. 2 Ibid.

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 80 and 138 ; Calig. D. vi. 179 and 187.

THE WHITE QUEEN 151

was to hinder Suffolk's " voyage." [There seems to
have been a second friar in the plot, but the letter is
burnt and mutilated, and it is impossible to get the
exact sense.] It was a tactless, useless move on
Norfolk's part, for Mary, being a woman in love, gave
the friar " small comfort," and from the interview
merely gathered what fed her desire, that the people
in England were openly speaking of her coming
marriage with Suffolk. In his daily visits, Francis
had hinted at other marriages, and suggested as
husbands the Duke of Savoy 1 and the Duke of
Lorraine, or else that she should not marry, but remain
in France and hold her Court at Blois, of which country
he offered her the revenues, and then made suit unto
her, " not according with mine honor," as she wrote.
He played his best card, how T ever, when he told her
that Suffolk's coming to fetch her home was only a
blind, for under secret promise of marriage she was to
be decoyed back into England and then married to the
Prince of Castile. 2 There can be little doubt that the
King played with the helpless creature, and renewed
his love-making in the newly darkened mourning room
to her " extreme pain and annoyance." No wonder
she had fits of "the mother," and wept piteously and
exclaimed passionately that rather than go to England,
to be married again to any strange prince, she would
live and die in a convent, and thus she wrote to her
brother. " I would be very glad to hear that your
Grace were in good health and p[eace], the which should
be a great comfort to me, and that it would please your
Grace to send more oft time to me than you do, for as

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179.

2 Ibid.

152 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

now I am all out of comfort saving that all my trust
is in your Grace and so shall be during my life. Sir, I
pray your Grace will send hither as soon as you
may possibly hither to me. Sir, I beseech your Grace
that you will keep all the promises that you
promised me when I took my leave of you by
the w[ater s]ide. Sir, your Grace knoweth well, that I
did marry for your pleasure a]t this time, and now I
trust that you will suffer me to [marry as] me l[iketh
fo]r to do . . . for I assure your Grace that [my mi]nd
is not there where they would have me, and I trust
[your Grace] will not do so to me that has always been so
glad to fulfil your mind as I have been. Wherefore, I
beseech your Grace for to be good lord and brother to
me, for, sir, an if your Grace will have gran[ted] me
married in any place sav[ing] whereas my mind is, I
will be there whereas your Grace nor no other shall have
any joy of me, for I promise your Grace you shall hear
that I will be in some religious house, the which I think
your Grace would be very sorry of, and all your realm.
Also, sir, I know well that the King that is [my s]on will
send unto your Grace by his uncle the Duke of [Savoy] for

to marry me here [I sha]ll never be merry at

my heart (for an ever that I d[o marr]y while I live),
I trow your Grace knoweth as well as I do, and did
before I came hither, and so I trust your Grace will be
contented, unless I would never marry while I live, but
be there where never man nor woman shall have joy of
me. Wherefore I beseech your Grace to be good lord to
him and to me both, for I know well that he hath [. . . ]
to your Grace of him and me both. Wherefore an your
Grace be good lord to us both, I will not care for all the
world else, but beseech your Grace to be good lord and

THE WHITE QUEEN 153

brother to me, as you have been here aforetime f[or in
you] is all the trust that I have in this world after
God. No m[ore from m]e at this [time]. God send
your Grace [long life an]d your heart's de[sires].
By your humble and loving sister,

Mary, Queen of France. 1

To the King my brother, this
to be delivered in haste."

All her fears seemed at first for nothing. Henry was
quite willing she should marry his favourite, and had
she but kept her mental poise she would have carried
her love to a triumphant open marriage. But six weeks
in a darkened room, with Francis, " who looked like the
devil," her visitor every evening, her mouth closed by
command of her brother and her adviser Wolsey, her
nerves racked by whispers of false dealing at home and
by the senseless suspicions that attack all lovers, had
wrought her to no state of cool reasonableness by the
time Suffolk and his fellow-ambassadors arrived.

There is absolutely no doubt that Henry meant to
keep his famous " water-side " promise, and immediately
on receiving official notice, on January 14, of the death
of the French King, sent the Duke of Suffolk, Sir
Kichard Wingfield, and Dr Nicholas West, to condole
with Francis and to congratulate him. Their credentials
also were for the arranging of the return of the Queen
and her dowry. At Suffolk's last interview with Henry
at Eltham, 2 before he set out, the King disclosed to him
his mind about his sister, but made him promise on oath
that he would be nothing to her save the ambassador of

l L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 228 ; Calig. D. vi. 249. Green's "Koyal
and Illustrious Ladies," i. 187. 2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 224. K.O.

154 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the King of England till he had brought her safe out of
France. Henry knew his sister's impulsive nature and
trusted his friend absolutely. Suffolk gave the oath, and
said he would rather be torn by wild horses than break
it. They clasped hands upon it, and the Duke set out
for his undoing b}' a woman's tears.

Mary had in the meantime replied 1 to Wolsey's letter
much in the same tone as she wrote to her brother,
" and whereas you advise me that I should make no
promise [of marriage] my lord, I trust the King my
brother and you will not reckon in me such childhood."
It passed her knowledge how Wolsey and Henry could
for one moment imagine she would have anything- to do
with a foreign marriage, and when Francis continued to
assure her that he knew from the state of affairs in
Flanders that Suffolk's coming was only a blind to entice
her home, " for if she went to England she should go to
Flanders " as wife of the Prince, she wept bitterly ; and
on the King pressing his own suit as a means of escape
from such fortune she wiped her tears and said, " Sir, I
beseech you that you will let me alone and speak no
more to me of the matter, and if you will promise me
by your faith and truth and as you are a true prince that
you will keep it counsel and help me, I will tell you all
my whole mind." 2 For she feared, remembering that
Francis and Suffolk had had words about her, that ill
might fortune to the Duke. Francis, possibly seeing in
this one way of getting within her guard, gave her his
faith in her hand that he would keep what she told him
secret and help her to the best of his power. So the
tangled creature cast herself on his mercy and told

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 16 ; Vesp. F. xiii. 202.6.
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 134 ; Calig. D. vi. 163.

HENRY VIII

PAINTER UNKNOWN. NATIONAL I'ORTRAIT GALLERY

THE WHITE QUEEN 155

him all her mind and all that had passed between her
and Suffolk down to some secret " ware " 1 word they had
used, and no doubt grew happier in the telling. She
ended by saying that she feared her brother's displeasure,
and implored Francis to write to him to get his consent.
This the King promised to do on the understanding that
his hunting of her should never be disclosed to Henry,
for it would not tally well with the filial attitude he had
assumed in his letters. He felt he had done a good
evening's work, for he was not one to play a losing game,,
and he now had Suffolk in his hands for as the price of
his marriage he could exact the Duke's help in gaining
Tournay from Henry, while after all Mary as the
richest marriage in Europe would hardly have been
allowed to remain quietly at Blois.

On Saturday, the 27th January, 2 Suffolk arrived at
Senlis, and there, hearing that Francis was at Kheims,
" where he was sacred on S. Paul's day," he sent a
message asking for an audience. Francis sent word that
he was glad of their coming, and he would either come
to them on Candelmas Eve or else they might come
to him straightway. For convenience' sake, on the
advice of the Admiral Bonnivet, the embassy decided to
wait till Thursday, and on that day their old friend
Longueville appeared at their lodging to take them out
of the town, about a mile, to meet the King and to-
make his entry with him. " He received them heartily,
asking for the health of the King and the Queen's grace,
and conversed with them as lovingly and familiarly as
ever he did, expressing his pleasure for the renewal of
the peace between the two countries, and also touching

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 101 ; Calig. D. vi. 174.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 105 ; Calig. D. vi. 266.

156 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the Queen's grace your sister's affairs." That afternoon,
at 2 o'clock, Suffolk had his state audience for con-
dolence and congratulation and renewal of the amity.
He also thanked Francis in the King's name, " for the
singular comfort he had given the Queen in this her
heaviness, reciting how lovingly he had written to your
Grace by his last letters, that he would neither do her
wrong nor suffer her to take wroug of any other
person, but be to her as a loving son should be to his
mother, praying him of continuance. Whereunto he
answered that he might do no less with his honour,
seeing that she was your sister, a noble princess and
married to his predecessor. And h[ow] lovingly he
had behaved him to her, he said, he trusted that she
should make report herself to [you], and that that he
did, he did with good heart, and n[ot grudingly] and
much the rather for your Grace's sake." 1 They then
asked for licence to condole with Mary, and he answered
he was well content. Thus far all was ceremony.
Later in the afternoon the real encounter took place and
Suffolk had to cry touche. Francis sent for him to his
bedroom, and without preface said, " My lord of Suffolk,
so it is that there is a bruit in this my realm, that you
are come to marry the Queen, your master's sister." 2
Suffolk stood his ground and remembered his promise.
" I trust your grace," he replied, " would not reckon so
great folly in me to come into a strange realm to marry
the Queen of the realm without your knowledge and
without authority from my master, and that I have
not, nor was it ever intended on my master's part nor on
mine." But Francis answered, " Not so," and "for then,"

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 105 ; Calig. D. vi. 206.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174.

THE WHITE QUEEN 157

goes on Suffolk's letter, " [as], I would not be plain
with him, he would be plain with me, and showed me
that the Queen had broken her mind unto him, and
that he had promised her his faith and truth, and of
the truth of a King, that he would help her and d[o
what was possible in him to help her to obtain [her
heart's desijre. * And because ' [, went on Francis], ' that
you shall not th[ink that I do] bear you in this hand
and that [she has not spo]ke her mind, I will s[hew
you some wor]ds that you had to her, and so showed
me a ware word, the which none alive could tell them
but she ; and when that then I was abashed and he
saw that, and said, ' because for you shall say that you
have found a kind prince and a loving, and because
you shall not think m[e other], here I give you in your
hand my faith and truth by the word of a King, that
I shall never fail unto you but to help and advance
this matter betwixt her and you with as good a will as
[I] would for minefself].' And when he had done this
I could do none less than thank his Grace for the great
goodness that his Grace intended to show unto the
Queen and me, and by it I showed his Grace that I
was like to be undone if this matter came to the
knowledge of the King my master. And then he
said, ' Let me alone for that ; I and the Queen shall so
instance your master that I trust he would be content,
and because I would gladly put your heart at rest I
will when I come to Paris speak with the Queen, and
she and I both will write letters to the King your
master, with our own hands in the best manner that
can be devised.' " * Suffolk was overjoyed, " bounden to
God," but cautious. The man he most feared as an

1 L. and P. H. Villi, ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174.

158 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

obstacle was " contented to be the doer of the act
himself and to instance the King my master in the
same." 1 This would also improve Henry's position
towards the anti-Suffolk party in the Council, for if he
allowed the marriage at the express desire of the French
King, " his Grace shall be marvellously discharged
against his Council as all the other noblemen of his
realm." 2 Still Suffolk's experience had been that
Francis was not without guile and he would not
act, he said, till he had heard from Wolsey, whom he
prayed " with all the haste possible send me your
best [counsel what yo]u shall think best that I shall
[do in this mat]ter ; and if you shall think good [to ad-
vertise hi]s Grace of this letter I pray you [to give mi]ne
assurances to his Highness that I had [rather an I dared,
have written] unto him myself." 3 This was written
ten leagues from Paris on February 3rd. The following
day, Sunday, the embassy reached Paris, and the im-
patient Queen could not wait till Monday, but sent for
Suffolk at once. Then all her emotion burst forth, and
she poured out to his willing ears all the worries and
distresses of her mind, and told him imperiously that she
wanted none other husband but he, "if I would be
ordered by her, she would never have none but me." She
said that unless he married her before they went to
England she would neither marry him nor go to England,
and she wept. He asked her what she meant by that,
" and," Suffolk's letter goes on, " she said the best in
France had said unto her that and she went to England
she should go to Flanders. To the which she said she
had rather to be torn in pieces than ever she should

i L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174.
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.

THE WHITE QUEEN 159

come there, and with that wept. Sir, I never saw
woman so weep. And when I saw [that] I showed unto
her Grace that there was none such thing [upon] my
faith with the best words I could, but in none ways I
could make her to believe it. And when I saw that,
I showed her Grace that and her Grace would be content
to write unto your Grace and to obtain your good will
I would be content, or else I durst not because I had
made unto your Grace such a promise." Her lover's
caution angered Mary, for having thrown herself with
abandon into the situation, she resented his thinking
of a mere promise to a third person where she was
concerned, so she reasoned and threatened : "if the
King my brother is content and the French King both,
the tone by his letters and the tother by his words that
I should have you, I will have the time after my desire,
or else I may well think that the words of [them] in
these parts and of them in England [be] true, and that is
that you are come to tyes me home [to the in ]tent that
I may be married into Fland[ers] which I never will,
to die for it, and so [I possessed the French King and
you came ; and th[at of] you will not be content to
follow [my] end look never after this d[ay to have] the
proffer again." Here was a cruel dilemma ; to lose
either his master's favour or his mistress's love ! Had
Francis not spoken Suffolk might possibly have held
out, for there was his promise, but now things seemed
in train to a happy issue and rather " than to lose all "
he promised to marry her before they went to England.
Mary was not content with that, and said if he did not
marry her within four days he would never have her,
and to this also he consented. Were Sir Kichard
Wingfield and Dean West to know of their decision?

i6o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

No, decided Mary, for they would only give "mo
counsel to the contrary," and Suffolk knew this to be
true as the least devoir of sensible men, so they were
left in the dark. 1 The next day Wingfield and West
came to visit her, " and according to our instructions
made overtures to her at length of your grace's mind
and pleasure as well touching that she shall not
consent to any motion of marriage in these parts, as
also she shall not determine her mind to make her
abode there, but to apply herself to follow your mind
and pleasure in that behalf." She thanked them,
"like a wise, substantial, and Christian princess," for
the mng for sending my Lord of Suffolk to comfort
her in her heaviness and to obtain her dower. " She
said she were an unkind sister if she should not follow
your mind and pleasure in every behalf, for there was
never princess so much beholden to her sovereign
and brother as she is to your Grace, and therefore, as
touching consent to any marriage in these parts, she
trusteth that your Grace knoweth her mind therein,
and albeit she has been sore pressed in that matter by
the King [that now is] as other, yet she never consented,
nor never would do [but rather] suffer the extremity
of death. And as touching her [stay] here, she never
was nor is minded there to, for she [counts] every day a
hundred till she may see your Grace." The ambassadors
added that the report was that "la Royne Blanche"
was to be married to the Duke of Lorraine. The next
day Wingfield and West supped with Mary's ladies, 2
and no doubt gossipped about possibilities, while
Suffolk supped with the Queen, and she amplified her

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 139 ; Calig. D. vi. 209.

THE WHITE QUEEN 161

former confidences. They decided to tell Wolsey
openly of the difficulties of her position, but to say
nothing of the secret marriage, and by the same post to
write to the King.

To Henry Suffolk wrote, and after telling how he had
delivered the letters to Mary, who was not a little glad
and bounden to God, who had given her so loving a
brother, both father and brother to her, and how she
prayed that she might live no longer than that she
might do that thing that should be to his contentation
[this is the Duke's paraphrase, no doubt], he goes on,
" So when I had been there awhile I was in hand with
her Grace, and asked her how the French King did
with her Grace and how she found him. And she said
at the beginning he was in hand with her of many
matters, but after he heard say that I was come, he
said unto her Grace that he would trouble her no more
with no such matter, but be glad to do for her as he
would do for his own mother, and prayed [her that]
she would not be a known of none thing that he had
spoken to her, neither to your Grace nor me, for because
your Grace should take no unkindness there in. [And
further] he said that wheresoever her mind was [for
to mar]ry he would be glad to help her there[to with
all] his heart, and so since he never me[ddled other-
wise, but as he would be to her as [to his m]other.
And so, Sir, I perceive that he had [regard to] your
Grace, for I think he [would not] to do anything that
should discontent [your Grace or your] Grace should
think any unkindness, in w[hich I assure] your Grace
that I think that you will find him [either] a fast
prince or else I will say that he is the most [untrue]
man that lies. And not he only but all the [noble]-

162 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

men of France, for I cannot devise to have [any] speak
better than they do, nor to your honour." Then he
tells Henry sporting news of the jousts for the corona-
tion of Francis and how they are to run and that
the King himself is to be one of the aides of the Duke
of Alencon. 1 To Wolsey he tells out bluntly what
has already been described of the clearing interview
between Mary and Francis, after which they understood
each other, and beseeches his good offices as all his
trust is in him, and an answer with all possible haste.
In a postscript he again begs to hear from him with all
possible haste, and desires him to ask from the King
a loan of £2000, " and Sir Oliver shall bring to your
hands plate sufficient there. For, my lord, all my
money is gone and the Queen and I both must make
friends, and they will not be gotten without money.
And also I am fain to buy new array, for the King will
have us at his coronation, and as far as I know to bring
him in at his entry, the which shall not be a little
charge. My lord, I beseech you that this may be done
in all haste possible and delivered to Sir Oliver." 2 The
next day Mary, who knew her brother, drew up the
following : " Be it known to all persons that I, Mary
Queen of France, sister unto the King of England
Henry the VHIth, freely give unto the said King my
brother such plate and vessel of clean gold as the late
King Loys of France the Xllth of that name gave unto
me the said Mary his wife ; and also by these presents
I do freely give unto my said brother, King of England,
the choice of such special jewels as my said late
husband King of France gave me ; to the performation

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 133 ; Calig. D. vi. 161.
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 134 ; Calig. D. vi. 163.

THE WHITE QUEEN 163

whereof I bind me by this my bill whereto with mine
own hand and signed with my name and to the same
have set my seal the ixth day of February, the year
of our lord fifteen hundred and fourteen. By your
loving sister Mary Queen of France." *

Mary had dismissed her French dame de compagnie,
the Comtesse of Nevers, and the French servants left
with her by Francis when he went to Rheims, and on
the news of the arrival of Suffolk had recalled her
English ladies and servants. Francis is said to have
been much annoyed, and possibly his sister, the Duchess
d'Alencon, told Suffolk how impolitic a move this was,
for on the return of the ambassadors from paying their
respects to Queen Claude and to her, they communed
with Mary of her household, and she showed herself
conformable to the advice of Suffolk and the rest. 2 At
this interview things were put on a good business
footing, and the ambassadors were to write for copies
of the inventories of her wardrobe from Master Windsor,
of her jewels from Master Wyatt, one from the master
of the horse for the stable and another of the costs and
charges of her traduction. But nothing could be done
till the King came to Paris. Francis made his entry
on the 13th, so that the English had scant time for
their preparations ; but Lent was fast approaching (it
began on the 21st) and haste was necessary if the
jousts and tourney were to be carried through in time.
Mary was present at the King's entrance, which
Mercurin de Gattinare described to Margaret of
Austria as " belle et gorgiaise," and saw the Duke in
the procession with twenty horsemen in grey damask,

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 237.
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 139 ; Calig. D. vi. 209.

1 64 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

talking to the Duchess de Longueville, who rode in a
habit of cloth of gold.

On Monday, the 12th, the day before the state entry,
Suffolk was sent for by the French King to watch him
and five others running at the tilt against the Duke of
Lorraine and five with him, " for a banket, and I insure
your Grace there was good running." l Francis won, and
after the " banket " Suffolk had an interview with him,
when the King showed himself very heartily England's
friend, and especially good towards Suffolk and Wolsey :
" as for the French King, I cannot wish him in better
mind towards the King's Grace than I hear him speak it
. . . and as for you and me I trow that next the King
our master we had never such a friend which you shall
perceive hereafter.' ' 2 A few days before Suffolk had
received cheering letters from Wolsey in England,
wherein he was advertised what pain Wolsey took
" daily for my cause and how good lord you are to me,
for the which and all the goodness that I find in you
I heartily thank you as he that shall never fail you
during my life." He felt his affairs were going on as
well as possible in France, for the King was ready to
write to Henry in whatever form he thought best.
Suffolk's only uneasiness was the ominous silence of all
his friends at home, or else he imagined it was ominous,
and he reproached them in his letter to the King. " I
beseech your Grace that I might hear from your
Grace some time, for it should be to my great comfort.
Sir, I beseech your Grace that I may be most humbly
recommended unto the [Queen's] Grace and to all mine
old fellows, both men and women, and tell them that I

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 146 ; Calig. D. vi. 185.
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 145 ; Calig. D. vi. 186.

THE WHITE QUEEN 165

think it no little unkindness in them all that I never
heard from none of them since I departed from you,
but I think the fault has been in the weather (?)
L| and not in them. Sir, I beseech your Grace that I be
i not forgotten amongst you ar . . ., for though my body
be here my heart is with you and you wot where." 1
j He had great hopes of returning very soon, for Francis
said that once La Guiche, the French agent to England,
returned, a couple of days would easily settle all English
affairs. 2 The evening of the day after his entry Francis
went to see Mary, and it was arranged between them
that he should write to her brother at once, while the
same post would take a letter from her explaining her
request for the help of Francis. Suffolk had had the pre-
sence of mind at Compiegne not to betray Henry, and the
French King therefore did not realize that his news would
come a day after the fair, for he evidently thought at the
beginning of the affair that he was to be the deus ex
machina. So he wrote that he had been to visit the
queen his belle-mere, as he used to do, to know if he
could show her any attention. On his asking her
whether she contemplated a second marriage, she con-
fessed the great esteem she had for the Duke of Suffolk,
" que davant t[out] autre ele desyreroyt avecque[s] bonne
voulonte et lamye [. . .] maryage dele et de luy se fy,"
and prayed him not only to give his own consent thereto,
but to write to Henry in Suffolk's favour which he now
does. 3 Mary's letter also ignores her confession before
Suffolk's arrival — " Pleaseth it your Grace, the French
King on Tuesday night last [past] came to visit me, and

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 146 ; Calig. D. vi. 185.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 157 ; Calig. D. vi. 212.

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 135 ; Calig. D. vi. 256.

1 66 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

[had] with me many divers [discoursing, among the
which he demanded me whether I had [ever] made any
promise of marriage in any place, assuring me upon his
honour, upon the word of a prince, that in case I would
be plain [with] him in that affair that he would do
for me therein to the best of his power, whether it
were in his realm or out of the same. Whereunto I
answered that I would disclose unto him the [secr]et
of my heart in hu[mility] as unto the prince of the
world after your Grace in which I had m[ost trust], and
so decla[red unto him] the good mind [which] for divers
considerations I] bear to my lord of Suffolk, asking him
not only [to grant] me his favour and consent there-
unto, but [also] that he would of his [own] hand write
unto your Grace and to pray you to bear your like
favour unto me, and to be content with the same. The
which he granted me to do, and so hath done, according
as shall appear unto your Grace by his said [letters].
And, Sir, I most humbly beseech you to take this
answer (?) which I have [made u]nto the French King
in good part, the which I [did] only to be discharged
of th]e extreme pain and annoyance I was in [by reason]
of such suit as [the French Ki]ng made unt[o me not
according with mine honour, [the whi]ch he hath clearly
left [off]. Also, Sir, I feared greatly [lest in] case that I
had kept the matter from his knowledge that he might
have not well entreated my said lord of Suffolk, and the
rather [for] to have returned to his [former] malfantasy
and suits. Wherefore, Sir, [sin]ce it hath pleased the
said King to desire and pray you of your favour and
consent, I most humbly and heartily beseech you that it
may like your Grace to bear your favour and consent to
the same and to advertise the said King by your writ-

THE WHITE QUEEN 167

ing of your own hand your pleasure, [and] in that he
hath a[cted after] mine opinion [in his] letter of request,
it shall be to your great honour ... to content w[ith
all] your Council and [with] all the other no[bles of the]
realm, and agree thereto for your Grace and for all the
world. And therefore I eftsoon require you for all the
love that it liked your Grace to bear to me, that you do
not refuse but grant me your favour and consent in
form (?) before rehearsed, the which if you shall deny me
I am well assured to [lead] as desolate a life as ever had
creature, the which I know well shall be mine end.
Always praying your Grace to have compassion on me,
my most loving sovereign lord and brother, whereunto
I have entreated you, beseeching God always to preserve
your royal estate." The postscript is : " I most humbly
beseech your Grace to consider in case you make difficulty
to condescend to the promise [as I] wish, the French
King will take courage to renew his suits unto me,
assuring you that I had rather to be out of the world
than it should so happen, and how he shall entreat my
lord of Suffolk God knoweth, with many other incon-
venience which might ensue of the same, the which I
pray our Lord that [I] may never have life to see.
By your loving sister and true servant,

Mary, Queen of France." 1

The postscript is an echo of Suffolk's letter of the
same date, where he says, in case Henry does not give
consent at Francis' request, that he will "be at his
liberty and again at his former suits, the which your
sister, the Queen, had rather be out of the world, to
abide, and as for me your Grace ... I had rather be

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 163 ; Calig. D. vi. 244.

1 68 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

out of the world to see her in this case." * Suffolk had
found that the King's mother, Louise de Savoie, was
also on his side, and she promised him to forward his
matter, and also told him he could put all confidence
in her son's promises, which the Duke evidently did.
Louise charmed Suffolk, "She is the best spoken
princess I have ever seen and has great influence " ; " it
is she that rules all, and so may she well, for I never
saw woman like her." 2 All things seemed going
smoothly, and it must have been at this date, or just
before these letters, that the first marriage took place,
the most secret one, which was hidden from Francis
as his attentions were probably its cause. About a
week after these letters, that is, about February 21st
or 22nd, Suffolk received an answer from Wolsey to
the letter he had sent on the way from Senlis to Paris
telling of his first private interview with Francis, which
raised his spirits even higher, for a near open marriage
seemed in prospect.

" My lord," wrote the Archbishop, " in my most
hearty manner I recommend me unto your good lord-
ship and have received your letter, written with your
own hands, dated at Paris the 3rd day of this month,
and as joyous I am as any creature living to hear as
well of your honourable entertainment with the French
King and of his loving mind towards you for your
marriage with the French Queen, our master's sister, as
also of his kiud offer made to you, that both he and
the said French Queen shall effectually write unto the
King's Grace, for the obtaining of his good will and
favour unto the same. The contents of which your

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 134* ; Calig. D. vi. 159.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 82 ; Calig. D. vi. 165. B.M.

THE WHITE QUEEN 169

letter I have at good leisure declared unto the King's
Highness and his Grace marvellously rejoiced to hear of
your good speed in the same, and how substantially and
discreetly ye ordered and handled yourself in your
words and communication with the French King when
he first secretly brake with you of the said marriage.
And therefore, my lord, the King and I think it good
that you procure and solicit the speedy sending unto
his Grace of the letters from the French King touching
this matter, assuring you that the King continueth
firmly in his good mind and purpose towards you for
the accomplishment of the said marriage, albeit that
there be daily on every side practices made to let the
same which I have withstanded hitherto, and doubt not
to do so till you have achieved your intended purpose,
and ye shall say by that time that ye know all that ye
have had of me a fast friend.

" The King's Grace sends unto you at this time not
only his especial letters of thanks unto the French King
for the loving and kind entertainment of you and the
other ambassadors with you, and for his favourable
audience given unto you and them, but also other letters
of thanks to the Queen his wife, and to other personages
specified in your letter, jointly sent with the other
ambassadors to the King's Grace. And his highness
is of no less mind and affection than the French King
is for the continuance of good peace and amity betwixt
them. . . .

" The lady of Suffolk is departed out of this present
life and over this, my lord, the King's Grace hath given
unto you all such lands as be come into his hand by
the decease of the said lady of Suffolk, and also by my
pursuit hath given unto you the lordship of Claxton,

170 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

which his highness had of my Lord Admiral for 1000
marks which he did owe his Grace.

"Finally, my lord, whereas ye desired at your
departing to have an harness made for you, the King's
Grace hath willed me to write unto you, that he saith
it is impossible to make a perfect head-piece for you,
unless that the manner of your making your sight were
assuredly known. . . .

" And whereas ye write that the French King is of no
less good will towards me than his predecessor was, I
pray you to thank his Grace for the same and to offer
him my poor service, which next my master shall have
mine heart for the good will and mind which he beareth
to you, beseeching you to have my affairs recommended
that I may have some end in the same one way or
other. . . Z' 1

The letter contained both good and bad news, at least
Mary seems to have thought so, for while Suffolk no
doubt was confident that Wolsey would over-ride all the
practices of the Howard family to hinder the marriage,
and took the grant of the lands of the Lady Margaret de
la Pole, Countess of Suffolk, as earnest of the continued
favour of his master and his desire for his advancement,
Mary's brain only took in the phrase " there be daily on
every side practices made to the let of the same," and
connected this with the silence of her husband's friends
at Court. She had already insisted on marriage within
four days or not at all, and Suffolk had yielded to her
reasoning — my brother is content, more than content,
and the King of France desires our marriage, why should
we wait and run the risk of some chance which might
separate us — reluctantly, however, because of his promise

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 113.

THE WHITE QUEEN 171

to Henry. From the secret nature of the marriage it is
impossible to fix the date save by inference. There are
two dates given in two different documents, one the 3rd
of March, given in a French chronicle in the Fontanieu
Portefeuille, and quoted by Mrs Green, the other the 31st
of the same month, given by Louise de Savoie in her
diary. It is possible, too, that 3rd is a mistake for
31st, but that is as may be, and the point to emphasize
is this, that these dates do not refer to the secret
marriage confessed to by Suffolk on March 5, but to
some other and semi-public affair which took place at a
later date before the Court of France in Lent. No one
was privy to this first marriage save servants, and it must
have taken place about the second week of February,
for, writing on March 5 to Wolsey, Suffolk says he fears
Mary is with child, and he urges the necessity for an
open marriage before the French Court, adding that
the season need be no bar, for marriages take place in
Lent with consent of a bishop. 1 This open marriage
was to be later the sum of their desires, for the secret
one was illegal and could easily be quashed, and the
child of it, the heir to the English crown, would be born
out of wedlock, but in the early days of February Mary
was ready to mettre le tout par le tout, to do anything
to gain her end of marriage with Suffolk. The place of
the February marriage would probably be the chapel of
the Clugny Hotel, but that and who actually married them
is unknown. A later document says a simple priest of
no authority, which is not unlikely, though that docu-
ment, to be quoted in full later, does not pretend to
strict accuracy, for its facts were arranged by Suffolk
and Wolsey to produce a certain impression. So

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 222 ; Calig. D. vi. 176.

172 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Wolsey's letter found Mary married to her lover, in ill-
health, nervous and suspicious (her head was never still
and she was constantly turning it from side to side),
sucking terror out of every phrase, and sensible that
delay in the return home, or, failing that, in a near open
marriage, might publicly pierce the secret of her union
with Brandon. Her husband's mind was tranquil as
yet, and to him the Archbishop's letters " came as
graciously as rosewater and vinegar to him that is fallen
in a sowne or a litargie."

CHAPTER IX

CONFESSION AND PENANCE

THE commission of the Duke of Suffolk, Sir
Kichard Wingfield, and Dr West was for the
renewing of the peace with France which had
been concluded with Louis XII. for the lives of the two
Kings and one year after, and for the settling of the
Dowager- Queen's affairs and the conveying of her out
of the realm. "They were to demand restitution as
well of such jewels, precious stones, plate, apparel and
other things that her Grace brought with her, as also of
the charge of her traduction, which the French King
received for the value of 200,000 crowns." They
would also have to take possession of the lands of the
Queen's dowry. Francis would have made the renew-
ing of the amity depend on the giving up of Tournay if
he had dared, and, as it was, he was very friendly with
the ambassadors of Flanders, the Lord Nassau and the
Count de St Py, who were come to Paris to ask for
the long-desired marriage with a daughter of France.
Margaret de Savoie with the English alliance had gone
by the wall, and she said, almost weeping, to Spinelly,
"that God knoweth the faithful mind she had borne to
England and what had ensued unto her thereof, and
how the Emperor without her knowledge had handled
the putting out of tutela of the Prince to the great
prejudice of her honor." x She was compelled to let

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 124 ; Galba B. iii. 284.

173

174 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Chievres have his way, and that way was the French
marriage ; though Maximilian was eager now to have
Mary for his grandson, and sent Henry grave warning
of the difficulty of getting princesses returned out of
France, and said that it might come to retrieving her
at the sword's point. 1 But Flanders wanted no English
princess, and put all their hope in alliance with France,
and if a piece of wood had come out of France it would
have been received for an ambassador. 2 There was still
an English party at Brussels, and Margaret, speaking of
Mary's possible marriages, said " that she knew no
prince in Christendom that would gladly have her
except one, which, were it not for his Council, per-
adventure would condescend thereto," which, adds
Spinelly, " I suppose would be the Prince." 3 Francis,
though he sent the Prince of Castile a cool letter on his
accession, saw in the Flemish alliance a way towards
realizing his desire to drive the English back to Calais,
for between two allied hostile countries their position on
the Flemish border would be easily made untenable.
M. de la Guiche had been sent to England to announce
his accession, and until his return nothing definite could
be concluded, but Francis' great point in his negotia-
tions with Suffolk was the recovery of Tournay. The
Duke declined at first to meddle with this, for it was
not in his commission, but by the advice of Wingfield
and West he told the King of the matter privately.
Louise de Savoie, who did everything and looked
younger than she had done for years, 4 also spoke to
Suffolk of the "great desire the King her son had to

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 124 ; Galba B. iii. 284. 2 Ihi ^

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 70 ; Galba B. iii. 278.
4 L e Glay, " Negoc. entre la France et 1'Autriche," ii. 41.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 175

recover the city of Tournay." Suffolk was not well
pleased at this complication in his amicable proceedings
at the French Court, and would gladly have had nothing
to do with it. But Spinelly at Brussels had got hold of
a French letter to Chievres containing details of a definite
Franco-Flemish alliance, and this Wolsey sent on to
Suffolk in Paris, asking him to demand an explanation,
and, unwilling as the Duke was to court unpleasant
relations at this moment, speak of it he must. So he
dissembled and showed it to Francis as having been
sent direct to him out of Flanders. 1 The King had
just tilted successfully and was in great good humour
when given the letter. He denied the treaty, but said
that he could hardly refuse to receive the Flemish
ambassadors, though he would conclude nothing with
them till he had concluded with Henry. They had
merely made fair promises for the future and excuses
for the past, and he had given them very little comfort. 2
And, besides, matters between Henry and himself were
in such an amicable way that a couple of days would
easily dispatch them. So he talked to Suffolk, who
seems to have been lulled by flattery, for Francis also
said that in all matters between him and Henry he
would make Suffolk judge. The position was tangled
enough : on the one hand was the Duke, bound by a
promise which he had already secretly broken, and
commissioned to get the uttermost farthing out of the
French King, on whose help he was supposed to be
relying ; on the other was Francis, who, while ostensibly
helping Suffolk in his ambitions (already secretly
consummated without his help) out of mere good
nature, was really going to use him as a tool he had
1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 157 ; Calig. D. vi. 212 2 Ibidm

176 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

bargained for and bought. He was in ignorance that
his offer of help had been made known to Henry, and
also, whatever he may have suspected, he was not sure
of how much royal backing there was behind the Duke.
He was sure, however, that his help was worth some-
thing to Suffolk, and, like the young Queen, he meant
to have the price when and how he desired it. But
Suffolk felt himself a match for any Frenchman, the
subtlety of the nation having long been the despair of
English diplomatists notwithstanding.

Every day now Francis called on Suffolk to know
what was doing in the matter of Tournay, 1 and the
ambassadors were troubled, for they knew how Henry
clung to his conquest and the pains and expense he was
at to keep it. So did Francis, and he offered a good
sum for its honourable restitution, and urged Suffolk to
devise some means for this. Again and again the King
said he desired nothing but peace with the King of
England, and on Suffolk's reminding him significantly
that he also wanted Tournay, he said yes, for it had
anciently appertained to France. The ambassadors said
it would be best for him first to renew the last amity
and the obligation for the payment of the money still
owing to England, and in the meantime they would
write for instructions. " My lords," they wrote to the
Council, " we took this way because we thought it not
honourable for the King our master to restore Tournay
by any article comprised in the treaty of peace ; for
under whatsoever condition it was restored, the bruit
should be made in France that the King our master was
fain to deliver Tournay to have peace." Then they
suggested that if the restoration were contemplated,

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 175 ; Calig. D. vi. 214.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 177

it should be done secretly and first published at the
meeting of the two Kings now under discussion. 1
Francis was not to be put off by the cautious bearing of
the English. He left nothing unsaid that might bring
him the town. Wolsey was particularly interested in
the question. For over a year now he had been trying
to get himself recognized as its bishop de facto without
success, in spite of Louis XL's honest help. Now
Suffolk told Francis that the Archbishop was the only
man who " might do most pleasure for him for the
obtaining of his mind in the premises," and he would do
well to write to him. The French Council offered to
secure the bishopric to Wolsey if the town were sur-
rendered, and Francis said that he might "not only
have that, but the best in France, if he would take it," 2
and he promised to Suffolk, " on his faith in my hand,"
that he would make the French bishop-elect give it up
to the Archbishop in all haste, and declared he would
not stick with Wolsey for ten of the best bishoprics in
France. But Wolsey knew, as he said, that probatio
amoris est exhibitio operis, and from Ghent came news
of French perfidy, for Wolsey s agent, Sampson, wrote
that Francis had written in favour of the French bishop-
elect, and there was nothing to be done on the spot, for
he was in power, and the Lady Margaret, well-disposed
as she was, could do nothing. 3

The condition of affairs at Tournay itself was pithily
summed up by the new Lieutenant, Lord Mountjoy.
" The city cannot be kept without ready money. There
are many strangers, much weapon, many cankered

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 175 ; Calig. D. vi. 214.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 176 ; Calig. D. vi. 216.

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 197 ; Galba B. v. 384.

12

178 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

stomachs, some stark traitors within it : the soldiers rude
and not to be trusted, poor and cannot put up with
slack payment." 1 In fact, the garrison was in open
mutiny, and the country round about was none too
friendly, and had to be scoured and kept clear of
thieves. The arrival of the new Lieutenant was a signal
for an outbreak, for the soldiers' pay was in arrears and
they were asked to serve another month before they got
their wages. The most mutinous were threatened with
dismissal, but they got hold of the keys of the gates
and said no gates should be opened till the men were
paid in full. If pay was not forthcoming they would
spoil the town and then depart and leave it. They
shouted " money, money, money," and when they were
paid ungratefully threatened to hang their marshal ;
"down with Sir Sampson!" "To satisfy them the
Lieutenant suffered a trumpeter to blow to cause him to
avoid the town." 2 No doubt French treason was seen
in this scene characteristic of all garrisons of that age,
where the only discipline was the gibbet and the purse ;
and because of these difficulties the place became dearer
than ever to Henry. It was a useless expense, it gave a
rallying-point for Burgundians and French, but still
Henry had taken it and he meant to show that he could
keep it. Wolsey knew Henry's feelings if any did, and
to pass the time he advised Suffolk to inquire as though
from himself what lands would be given in exchange
for it. 3 Little but the Tournay question was talked of
at the French Court, and Suffolk, though he said he
would find it hard to get any land at the French King's

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 165.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 171.

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 231 ; Calig. D. vi. 176.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 179

hand, 1 did as he was told. So he spoke privately
with M. de Boissi, who, after Louise de Savoie, had
the King's ear. De Boissi said that " the King his
master was marvellous desirous to recover it, and that
he would think it a marvellous kindness in the King,
my master, if he would be content to let him have it for
so reasonable a sum to be paid in years." Suffolk re-
marked that in his own opinion the county of Guisnes
might be taken in exchange. On this Boissi asked him
to dinner next day, and in the interval communed with
the King and his mother, who were both willing to treat
on those terms. "Nevertheless the King knew well,"
said Boissi, " that there should be a [great] clamor on the
side of the King for the delivery [of the] subjects of the
said country : for he said they were the best Frenchmen
in France. Whereunto [I] replied that the King, my
master, should have no less clamor for the delivery of
the city of Tournay and Tornassen, and so [I begged]
him to advertise you to the intent that you [might]
break with the King in it." 2 Suffolk was very pleased
with the way the negotiation was going, and desired
Wolsey to get him a formal commission to treat, and in
his inimitable spelling proceeds, " I dowth not bout y*
yow and I schall [do] the Kyng ho war mastar byttar
sarwyes [than] anne man lywyng in thys mattar and
hall [hi]s oddar afyrres in these parttes." 3 He would
like to have such a commission to show Francis what
trust his master had in him, so that the French King
shall be " more gladder to be good to me in all [other]
affairs." Poor Suffolk ! he never got very far away
from his obsession.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 192 ; Calig. D. vi. 171.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 231 ; Calig. D. vi. 176. 3 Ibid.

180 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

By the end of February the embassy had to
report that the Flemish negotiations were proceed-
ing merrily with the French Court, but by the middle
of March Peter de la Guiche and John de Selva
were again sent to England to sign the treaty for
peace and intercourse, and also to renew the league
of London, and arrange for the payments promised
by Louis XII.

During these two months the Norfolk party in the
English Council, that of the " old " nobles (who as
well as Suffolk's adherents had drawn French pensions),
had tried consistently to prevent the renewal of the
French treaty. They desired a return to the
traditional policy of amity with the enemies of
France, and an edge was given to their opposition
by the marriage project which they knew was in
the air. There were hindrances on all sides, and
it was openly said that Suffolk was no match for
the lady, still direct heir to the throne, who might
have fulfilled the destiny of a princess, and been a
useful bond in some friendship abroad. They made
great capital out of Spinelly's news from the Low
Countries of Chievres' difficulties with France, of
Margaret's desire for the English marriage, and of
the report that the Prince's fancy was for Mary
and England. With Flanders lay English trade
interests, and Maximilian, in spite of his having sold
his tutelage for 100,000 crowns, was said to be
eager for the marriage ; in fact, would marry her
himself, rather than let her remain in French hands.
Then came rumours about a marriage with Suffolk,,
and the Flemish gossip galled the King, and was
rubbed in, no doubt, by his Council, and did Suffolk

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 181

no good with either party. The Lady Margaret,
report said, could not believe it, and said it was
false gossip to the Queen's dishonour. Henry was
said to have asked Francis " to be pleased " with the
marriage, and Francis withheld his consent, and the
Court at Ghent were laying wagers about it. 1
Suffolk's friends in the Court knew not what to do ;
his star for the moment seemed waning, and they
prudently held little communication with him. The
restitution of Tournay was desired by many in the
Council, but when the news of the secret marriage
reached England, authenticated by the Duke's own
hand, at once suspicion gave tongue that Suffolk
had played the King false, and pledged himself to
the restitution of the city in return for support in
his marriage venture. 2 It is just probable that this
was tacitly so, for though Suffolk had seemed so
open about the Tournay business, and had told Henry
that Francis had asked him to be the arbiter in the
matter, and that he had consented because he thought
it more to the King's honour and profit to be judged
by his own subject, yet it would be ridiculous to
suppose that he w r as uninfluenced by his personal
feelings and by his difficult situation. Suffolk wrote
that the matter had " never passed my mouth but
once to your Grace. There be but few of your
Council but has been in hand with me and [think]
it best that you should depart with it, so you might
depart with it honourably. Yet, Sir, I insure your
Grace that I have not put the French King in
none hope of it ; insomuch [that I have] caused him

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 199.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 225 ; Calig. D. vi. 184.

182 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

to leave it out of his instructions given to his am-
bassadors to the inte[nt that] he should not do manner
anything that should not be to your contentation,
but to refer it [to your] pleasure." 1 Suffolk probably
thought he was honestly serving his King, but self-
advancement had become his habit of mind, and
while up to this moment he had advanced evenly
by the simple means of Henry's friendship, now at
the meeting place of cross currents he knew not
how to steer, and thought he was safely hugging
the bank while the current was carrying him into
danger. It was impossible in this complex situation
that it should be otherwise, for he can never be
considered other than a man of mediocre intelligence
of men and things. His charm of person and manner,
his good-natured appreciation of others, his lack of
affectation, these were his greatest virtues, the virtues
of a good digestion, and none are of great value
in diplomacy without a penetrating and directing
intelligence.

No doubt it was Norfolk who helped to straighten
Henry's face over the question of the dowry, and
suggested his demand for " both the stuff and the
money," which drew a remonstrance from the am-
bassadors to Wolsey : "we received from the King's
Grace and from your good lordsh[ip] other writings
concerning the Queen's dot. A[nd] as in the King's
letters it is mentioned that w[e should] make com-
position for the Queen's traduction s[o as] we take
no less sum than is contained in y[our letter], we
think that no composition but an extremity. More-
over, seeing that she shall have all her stuff r[eturned ?],

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 183

we think it not reasonable to demand such [sums]
as have been laid out by the King's officers f[or]
provision of the same, for she may not have both [the]
money and the stuff. And sithens it is likely that
[we] shall commune with reasonable men, we would
be r[ather] loth to demand anything out of reason.
Wher[efore] we heartily pray you to know the King's
pleasure and further mind in this matter, and by
the next post we shall certify you of everything more
at large." * Wolsey said, however, that the question
of gold plate and jewels was the measure of Henry's
interest in the affair, and one feels bound to accept
the strange spectacle of the King loving and trusting
his subject and sister, but unable to resist the chance of
making money out of their distressful circumstances.
Henry VII. had been called avaricious and he was,
not from any Silas Marner-like quality, but to bottom
firmly his family and the state. His son had inherited
the habit without the occasion, and joined to it the
pleasure-loving, self-indulgent nature of his maternal
grandfather, and the result was a having tempera-
ment and a hollow hand. Now, however, before
more could be written on the vexed question of
the dot, the fabric of Suffolk's politic handling was
dashed to the ground, and he himself was in grave
danger.

As we have seen, Suffolk had consented to Mary's
tearful importunities and married her secretly, and as
the first few weeks passed he had been emboldened in
his disobedience by letters from Wolsey containing
news of Henry's friendly steadfastness in the matter
of the marriage, and by the favour of Francis and of

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 204 ; Calig. D. v. 217.

1 84 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

his mother, who craftily pushed the affair to prevent
a rapprochement between Flanders and England.
These good news he weighed against the advice he
had of the many hindrances set about the marriage
by the Council and Court in England, and took good
heart and cloaked his fault under expressions of
devotion. He wrote to the King that he prays he may
live no longer should he do "that shall be other-
wise to your honour," x and thanked Wolsey in another
letter for his friendship, which he says he shall never
forget "to me dyyng day." 2 It must have been
about a week after the writing of these letters, on
February 26, that Suffolk first began to realize
that his position was not so secure as in his less jovial
moments he had imagined. Henry had, on February
12, written from Greenwich to Francis thanking
him for his kind treatment of his sister, but nothing
further. 3 On the 14th Francis wrote to England
at Mary's dictation, and the lovers were expecting
the answer with confidence. It came through Wolsey,
probably in the first days of March. The King, said
Wolsey, was, by the advice of his Council, writing to
Suffolk and the other ambassadors plain answers of
his mind and pleasure upon those things contained
in their letters, dated Paris, February 18, and there-
fore he would make no mention of the same. But
the King had last Sunday, after he had communed
with his Council and determined the making of the
said answers, called Wolsey apart and willed him
to write to Suffolk and show him, as he knew right

« L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 191 ; Calig. D. vi 178.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 192 ; Calig. D. vi. 171.

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 179.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 185

well, that the King would have the French King's
plate of gold and jewels for his benevolent mind
to the Queen and him for the accomplishment of their
desires. He charged Suffolk to " substantially stick "
to this business, and said that though he would gladly
give him permission to return home with the Queen,
he cannot do this till "ye have perfected and estab-
lished" the question of the dot. " Wherefore, my lord,
I require and advise you, inasmuch as the King's Grace
hath great mind to the King's plate of gold and
jewels, substantially to handle that matter and to stick
thereunto, for I assure you the hope that the King hath
to obtain the said plate and jewels is the thing that
most stayeth his Grace constantly to assent that ye
should marry his sister, the lack whereof I fear me
might make him cold and remiss and cause some
alteration, whereof all men here except his Grace and
myself would be right glad. Howbeit I shall for
my part always put to my hand both in word and
deed to bring your desire to good effect to the utter-
most of my mind and powers. And because the
thing toucheth so greatly the [accomplishing] of your
intended pleasure, me thinketji I can no less do than
to advertise you of the same. Trusting that you
will endeavour yourself for the satisfaction of the
King's mind in this behalf, whereof I shall be as joyous
as any man living. And I send unto you herein closed
the copy of the letter the King has written at this
time with his own hand to the French King, and by
no manner persuasion or means I could induce his
Grace to write other wise therein for this reason, for
his Grace thinketh that if he should make plain answer
at the first instance of the French King, he would

i86 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

think that his Grace was agreed to the said marriage
afore your coming hither and [acquaint thereto], and
that the French King might think that ye had not
been plain with him. Further more as touching the
French King's desire for the meeting and interview
between the King's Grace and him, ye may show unto
him that the King's Highness is of semblable affection
and desirous to have the same come shortly to pass." *
The letter is sharper in tone than the former ones and
goes plainly and roundly to the matter. It suggests
that Suffolk had made little progress in his initial
commission, though he had already written that the
Queen was to be liberally treated, and, in fact, had
Doctor West instead of the Duke of Suffolk been the
correspondent, Wolsey probably would have told him
"not to muse so much on the moon but go straightly
and wisely to the matter," and " not to be moved by
every wind and frivolous report." But apart from
this slight asperity of the one-eyed to the blind,
the letter is hardly one to have moved Suffolk to
confession. The Duke had not wit enough to carry
through a plot ; he was a plain man, and, like such,
lived from day to day with no clear course before
him, and could not bend circumstance to his plans.
" Every wind and frivolous report " were wrought
into the fabric of his days without selection, for he
had never cultivated the mental clearness of conception
and vision which gives poise to projected plans and
desires. His political life had always beeu covered
by Wolsey's shadow, and when, about the beginning
of March, Mary told him she feared she was with
child, Suffolk could think of nothing better to do
1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 203.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 187

than to write to the Archbishop and confess all,
and in the face of the difficulties of Wolsey's last
letter it was the best course. " My lord of York,
I re[commend] me unto you, and so it [is that I
know] well that you have been the chief man [before
al]l that has been the helper of me to that I am
[now] next God and my master, and therefore I will
never hide none thing from you, trusting that you
will help me now as you have always done. My
lord, so it is that when I came to Paris, I heard
many things which put me in great fear, and so did
the Queen both. And the Queen would never let me
be in rest till I had granted her to be married. And
so, to be plain with you, I have married her heartily,
and have lyen with her, in so much that I fear me
lest she be with child. My lord, I am not in a
little sorrow lest the King should know it, and that
his Grace should be displeased with me, for I assure
you that I had rather have died than he should be
miscontent. And therefore, my own good lord, since
you have brought me hitherto let me not be undone
now, the which I fear me I shall be, without the
special help of you. My lord, think not that ever
you shall make any that shall be more [forwa]rd to
you, and therefore, mine own good lord, give me
help. My lord, as methinks th[ere is no] remedy
in this matter but that I m[ay obtain] another letter
from the French K[ing, and a let]ter from the French
Queen, and a [letter from the King's] mother to the
King my [sovereign lord], desiring his Grace that
the . . . her by them, the which should be m[ade
known] to all France, and that his Grace should
thereby perceive that they would be glad to see it

188 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

[done] most honourably that could be, and m[ight
now] specially because all the noblemen of France
be here. My lord, I doubt not b[ut that] they will
write this for me or how ye shall think best they
should write. . . . For I beseech you to instruct
me in all haste possible. My lord, they marry as
well in Leut as out of Lent with licence of any
bishop. Now, my lord, you know all, and in you
is all my trust, beseeching you of your assured
help, and that I may have answer from you of this
or all my other writings as shortly as it may be
possible, for I ensure you I have as heavy a heart
as any man living, and shall have till I may hear
good tidings from you." In a much mutilated
postscript he says he had written to the King saying
nothing to him of this matter, for "I would not for
all the good in the world he should know of it but
as you shall think best." * The same evening he
wrote again to Wolsey with a certain reserve, for
his cousin, Sir Richard Wingfield, addressed the letter :
*' My lord, for to induce the Queen's matter and mine
unto the King's grace, I think best for your first
entry you should deliver unto him a diamond with
a great pearl, which you shall receive with this from
the Queen, his sister, and require him to take it
worth, assuring his Grace that whensoever she shall
have the possession of the residue, that he shall have
the choice of them according unto her former writing.
My lord, she and I remit this matter wholly to
your discretion, trusting that in all haste possible
we shall hear from you some good tidings touching
our affairs, wherewith I require you to despatch this
1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 222 ; Calig. D. vi. 176.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 189

bearer and that he tarry for no other cause." * Next
day Mary wrote to her brother a non-committal little
letter : " My most kind and loving brother, I humbly
commend me unto your Grace, thanking you entirely
of your comfortable letters, beseeching your Grace
most humbly now so to continue toward me and
my friends, as our special trust is in your Grace,
and that it may like you with all convenient
diligence to send for me that I may shortly see
your Grace, which is the thing that I most desire
in the world, and I and all mine is at your Grace's
commandment and pleasure.

By your loving sister, Mary." 2

Now came a fortnight's painful waiting "in this
town of Paris," which Suffolk said irritably " is like a
stinking prison," 3 and finding inaction under suspense
unbearable, the Duke set his plan in action for the
publishing of the marriage to all France without
waiting for Wolsey's reply. First he told Francis.
Eobert de la Marck, a contemporary chronicler, gives
an account of his interview with Francis. The King
sent for the Duke of Suffolk, and thus addressed him :
"I am advertised of this thing : I did not think you
had been so base, and if I chose to do my duty
I should this very hour take your head from off your
shoulders, for you have failed of your faith, and
trusting to your faith I have not had watch kept
over you. You have secretly, without my knowledge,
married Queen Mary. "Whereunto the said Duke

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 223. R.O.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 230 ; Vesp. F. iii. 176.

3 Ibid., ii. (ii.), App. 6* ; Calig. D. vi. 183.

i 9 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

of Suffolk, being much afraid and in great terror,
answered and said, " Sir, may it please you to pardon
me. I confess I have done ill, but, Sir, I implore
you to consider the love which made me so do. I
throw myself entirely on your compassion, praying
you to have mercy upon me." Whereon the King
told him that he would not have mercy on him, but
would keep him fast till he should have advertised
the King of England thereof; and if it pleased him
then he too would be content." 1 On March 12
Louise de Savoie wrote to Henry, asking him to allow
the Duke of Suffolk's marriage to take effect and
assuring him of Suffolk's devotion to his service, 2 and
Francis may have also written, though the only letter
to be found belongs to the beginning of April [dated
March in the Calendar of State Papers]. If he did not
at this moment, it is probably to be accounted for by
the fact that within a few days he discovered that the
jewel which the crown most prized, the Mirror of
Naples, had been sent to England. Queen Claude
asked for it as belonging of right to the queens of
France, and it was not forthcoming. 3 Francis was
furious, and Suffolk had to write to Wolsey in all haste
for its immediate return, " for it is the same that is said
should never go from the queens of France." 4 He took
occasion again to urge an open marriage in France,
" my lord at the reverence of God help that I be
married as I go out of France openly for many things
which I will avert you in my next letters," 5 and asks his

1 Chron. L. xii. ; Du Puy MS., Paris, quoted by Mrs Green in " Lives
•of the Princesses of England," v. 90 note.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 240 ; Calig. D. xi. 86.

3 Ibid., ii. (ii.) App. 7. 4 Ibid. 6 Ibid.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 191

advice whether the King and the King's mother should
write again " for this open marriage, seeing that this
privy marriage is done and that I think none other
wise than that she is with child." 1 If Francis was
sulking both about the way he had been deceived in
the secret marriage and about the loss of the jewel,
then no wonder Paris was as a stinking prison to
Suffolk.

No doubt the Duke expected a reprimand, and a sharp
one, and the question, whether Wolsey would tell the
King or conceal the first and suggest a second marriage,
must have been often discussed with Mary, but when
the reply to his letter of March 5 was received, he
suddenly saw plainly that he had mistaken both Henry
and Wolsey, and he felt that not only his world was
tottering about his ears, but his very life was for the
moment in danger. " My lord," wrote Wolsey,
" with sorrowful heart I write unto you signifying
unto the same that I have to my no little discomfort
and inward heaviness perceived by your letters,
dated at Paris the 5th day of this instant month,
how that you be secretly married unto the King's
sister and has accompanied together as man and wife.
And albeit you by your said letters desired me in no
wise to disclose the same to the King's Grace, yet
seeing the same toucheth not only his honour, your
promise made to his Grace, and also my truth towards
the same, I could no less do, but incontinent upon the
sight of your said letters declare and shew the contents
therof to his Highness, which at the first hearing could
scantly believe the same to be true. But after that I
had showed to his Grace, that by your own writing

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (ii.) App. 7.

192 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

I had knowledge thereof, his Grace giving credence
thereunto took the same grievously and displeasantly,
not only for that you durst presume to marry his
sister without his knowledge, but also for the breaking
of your promise made to his Grace in his hand, I being
present at Eltham. Having also such assured affiance
in your truth that for all the world, and to have been
torn with wild horses, you would not have broken your
oath, promise and assurance made to his Grace. Which
he doth well perceive that he is deceived of the constant
and assured trust that he thought to have found in
you. And for my part no man can be more sorry
than I am that you have so done. And so his Grace
would that 1 should expressly write unto you, being
so incholered therewith that I cannot devise nor study
for the remedy thereof considering that you have
failed to him which hath brought you up of
low degree to be of this great honour, and that
you were the man in all the world he loved and
trusted best, and was content that with good order
and saving his honour you should have in marriage
his said sister. Cursed be the blind affection and?
counsel that hath brought ye hereunto, fearing that
such sudden and unavised dealing shall have sudden
repentance !

"Nevertheless, in this great perplexity I see no other
remedy but first to move your humble pursuits by your
own writing, causing also the French King and the
Queen and other your friends to write, with this also
that shall follow — which I assure you I write unto
you of my own head without knowledge of any person
living, being in great doubt whether the same shall
make your peace or no — notwithstanding if any remedy

CARDINAL WOLSEY

PAINTER UNKNOWN. NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 193

be it shall be by that way. It shall be well done that
with all diligence possible you and the Queen bind
yourselves by obligation to pay yearly to the King
during the Queen's life £4000 of her dower, and so you
and she shall have remaining of the said dower £6000
and above to live withal yearly. Over and besides this
you must bind yourselves to give unto the King the
plate of gold and jewels which the late French King
had. And whereas the Queen shall have full restitution
of her dot, you shall not only give entirely the said dot
to the King, but also cause the French King to be
bound to pay to the King the 200,000 crowns which
his Grace is bound to pay to the Queen, in full contenta-
tion of the said dot, de novissimis denariis, and the said
French King to acquit the King for the payment thereof,
like as the King hath more at large declared his
pleasure to you by his letters sent unto you. This is
the way to make your peace, whereat if you deeply
consider what danger you be and shall be in, having
the King's displeasure, I doubt not both the Queen
and you will not stick, but with all effectual diligence
endeavour yourselves to recover the King's favour as
well by this means as by other substantial true ways
which by mine advice you shall use and none other
towards his Grace, whom by colorable drifts and
ways you cannot abuse. Now I have told you
mine opinion hardily. Follow the same and trust
not too much to your own wit, nor follow not the
counsel of them that hath not more deeply con-
sidered the dangers of this matter than they have
hitherto done.

" And as touching the overtures made by the French
King for Tournay, and also for a new confederation
13

i 9 4 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

with the King and him like as I have lately written
unto you, I would not advise you to wade any further
in these matters, for it be thought that the French
King intendeth to make his hand by favouring you in
the attaining to the said marriage. Which when he
shall perceive that by your means he cannot get such
things as he desire th, perad venture he shall show some
change and alteration in the Queen's affairs whereof
great inconvenience might ensue. Look wisely therefore
upon the same, and consider you have enough to do in
redressing your own causes, and think it shall be hard
to induce the King to give you a commission of trust
which hath so lightly regarded the same towards his
Grace.

" Thus I have as a friend declared my mind unto
you, and never trust to use me nor have me in anything
contrary to truth, my master's honours, profits, wealth
and surety, to the advancement and furtherance whereof
no creature living is more bounden, as our Lord knoweth
who send your Grace to look well and deeply upon your
acts and doings, for you put yourself in the greatest
danger that ever man was." x

It was a masterly letter and put Suffolk out of
conceit with his own wits and Mary with her counsel,
and joined them in one desire to make plain the utter
intolerableness of their situation to Henry. Wolsey
warned them to be truthful and frank, for one part of
the secret of his influence with the King's suspicious
nature was his own love for plain dealing. So they
wrote. Mary — bringing in the incident of the Friars'
report to her as though it had recently happened,
though from earlier letters of Suffolk's they were in

I L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 224.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 195

hand with her before the arrival of the embassy — took
all the blame on her shoulders and was ready to face
the consequences. The best of her shows in admirable
light in the following letter : — " Please it your Grace, to
the greatest discomfort, sorrow and disconsolation but
lately I have been advertised of the great and high
displeasure which your highness beareth unto me and
my lord of Suffolk for the marriage between us. Sir, I
will not in anywise deny but that I have offended your
Grace, for the which I do put myself most humbly in
your clemency and mercy. Nevertheless to the intent
that your highness should not think that I had simply,
carnally or of any sensual appetite done the same, I
having no re[gar]d to fall in your Grace's displeasure, I
assure your Grace that I had never done [without your]
ordinance and consent, but by the r[eason of the grea]t
despair w[herein I was put] by the two frfiars . . . ],
which hath certified me in case I come [to] En [gland],
your Council would never consent to the marriage
between the said lord and me, with [ma]ny other
sayings concerning] the same promise, so that I verily
[thought] that the said friar[s] would never have offered
to have made me like over[ture] unless they might have
had charge from some of your Council, the which put
me in such consternation, fear and doubt of the obtain-
ing of the thing which I desired most in this world,
that I rather chose to put me in your mercy [by]
accomplishing the marriage, than to put me in the
order of your Council [knowing th]em to be otherways
minded. Whereupon, Sir, I put [my lord of Su]ffolk
in choice wfhether he woul]d accomplish th[e marriag]e
within f[our days or else that he should never have]
enjoyed me. Whereby I know well that I constrained

i 9 6 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

him to break such promises as he made your Grace, as
well for fear of losing me as also that I ascertained him
that by their consent I would never come in to England.
And now that your Grace knoweth the both offences of
the which I have been the only occasion, I most
humbly and as your most [sorrow]ful sister requiring
you to have compassion upon us both and to pardon
our offences, and that it will please your Grace
to write to me and to my lord of Suffolk some
[comfort]able words, for it sh[all be] greatest comfort
for u[s both]. By your loving and most humble
sister, Mary." x

Then she wrote to Wolsey : " My very good lord, in
most hearty manner I commend me unto you, letting
you the same to understand that my lord of Suffolk hath
sent me your letters which lately he received by Cooke,
by which I perceive the faithful good mind which you
do bear unto us both, and how that you be determined
not to leave us in our extreme trouble, for the which
your most fast and loving dealing I most entirely thank
you, requiring you to continue towards us as you have
been, which shall never be forgotten in any of our
behalfs, but to the uttermost of our power we
shall be always ready to shew [you all] faithful
kindness [as knowe]th our Lord who [send you long]
life. My lord, I require you that I may have mo
comfortable letters from the King my brother and
from you, for I trow there was never woman that
had more need. By your loving friend, ,

Mary, Queen of France." 2

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 226 ; Calig. D. vi. 242.
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 256 ; Calig. D. vi. 254. Green's Royal and Illustrious.
Ladies, i. 198.

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 197

But for all Mary's generosity the onus of the ex-
planation fell on Suffolk, for he was on trial before the
Council as well as before the King, and in spite of
Wolsey's warning he insisted on attempting to explain
the dealings with Francis which had laid him open
to their suspicions. " Alas, Sir," he wrote, " as I
understand it should be thought that I should incline
too much to the French King's mind. Sir, if I
ever inclined to him in thought or deed otherwise
than might stand with your honour [let] me die for
it." And he goes on to give his opinion of how
the amity should be brought about. Then he attacks
the main question. " Sir, one thing I insure your
Grace, that it shall never be said that ever I did
offend [you]r Grace in word, deed or thought, but
for this [matter] touching the Queen, your sister, the
which I can no longer nor will not hide from your
Grace." Then he describes as far as he can word for
word his interview with Mary on the night of his
arrival at Paris, and begs the King to forgive him and
defend him against his enemies who will think to put
him out of favour. He begs some word of comfort from
Henry, "for I promise your Grace that I was never a day
whole since I parted from your Grace. And, Sir, at the
writing of this I'm not very well." x Another letter
from Wolsey on his danger from the suspicions of the
Council drew a more passionate appeal from him, and
it is characteristic that his greatest sorrow is Henry's
loss of confidence in him, the fault of his marriage with
the Queen is as nothing in his eyes with the breaking of
his promise, for that had moved Henry's anger more
than the other. Thus he kneels before the King.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179.

198 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

" [Most dreadjest sovereign lord, with the most sorrowful
and [heavy] heart I your most poor subject beseech
you, most [dear]est lord, of forgiveness of mine offences
now made un[to you], and for this said marriage,
the which I have [done greatjly amiss. Where[fore],
Sir, for the passion of God let it not be in your
heart against me, but punish me rather with prison
or other wise, as may be your pleasure. Sir, rather
than you should have me in mistrust in your [he]art
that I should not be true to you as there may be
accusing [str]ike off my head and let me not live.
Alas, Sir, my lord of York hath written to me two
letters that it should be thought that the French
King would make [h]is hand with your Grace, and
that a would occupy me as [a]n instrument there
unto. Alas, Sir, that ever it should be thought or
said that I should be so, for, Sir, your Grace not offended,
I will make good against all the world to die for it, that
ever I thought any such thing or did thing, saving the
love and [ma]rriage of the Queen, that should be to your
displeasure, I pray God let me die as shameful a death
as ever did man. Alas, that I ever did this, for afore
this done I might have said that there was never man
that had such a loving and kind master, nor there was
never master that ever had a truer servant than your
Grace has had of me, and ever shall have, whatsoever
your Grace shall think of me, or any man else. And
thus I make an end with the most sorrowful heart that
ever had man, and not without cause, seeing mine
unhap to use myself so [ill unto] so noble and gracious
a master, whose favour [for long time] I had so sure and
so largely that and I had been master of ten realms I
should never have deserved, as k[nows God, who] send

CONFESSION AND PENANCE 199

your Grace long life with much h[onour and your heart's]
desire." 1

Surely this was penitent enough, but the offering of a
merely contrite heart was not enough for Henry : it had
to be gilded.

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 225 ; Calig. D. ri. 184.

CHAPTER X

THE LOVERS COME HOME

THEY turned to the question of money. Henry
had already, at the instance of his Council
perhaps, told Suffolk that he was not quite
content with his handling of the dower question, and
wrote to him about the end of February that had he
done his devoir, or would do his devoir, the Queen
would obtain all her stuff and jewels. Suffolk
replied, " as touching that, and if I have not done
the best therein and will do the best therein, never
be good lord to me, and that I report [i.e. refer] me
to my fellows. Alas, Sir, if I should not do the best
it were pity [that I] lived, for I find you so good
lord to me that there is none thing that grieves
me but that she and I have no more to content your
Grace. But, Sir, as she has written to you by her
own hand, she is content to give you all that her
Grace shall have by the right of her husband, and
if it come not so much as your Grace thought, she
is content to give to your Grace what sum you shall
be content to ask, to be paid as her jointure, and
all that she has in the world." x Mary's letter con-
firmed this. " [Please it y]our Grace to understand
[that wh]ereas I wrote unto your Grace touching my
jewels and plate which I promised your [Grjace, such
as I have shall be at [yo]ur commandments ever while

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 201

[I live]. Howbeit 'tis not so well [as] I would it had
been, for there is much sticking thereat. Howbeit
I doubt not but I [s]hall have it at the link with the
good help [of] your Grace and your [Coun]cil that be
here. Sir, I think my lord of Suffolk will wrfite
m]ore plainlier to your Gra[ce tha]n I do of these
matters. Then when you and the[y be] agreed with
your Gr[ace, and] I have them, I will [give] you my
part of th[em]. Sir, the French King speaks many
ki[nd word]s unto me, a[nd doth affirm] that he ha[th
a] special mind to ha[ve] peace with your Gra[ce
be]fore any prince in Christendom, and, Sir, I would
beseech your Grace that it may be so, if it [might]
stand with your favour [and] pleasure, for by the
means and favour of your Gr[ace] I have obtained
as much honour in this realm as was possible to any
woman to have, which causes me to write to your
Grace in this matter. Over and ab[ove] this I most
humbly beseech your Grace to write to th[e Fr]ench
King and all [yo]ur ambassadors here [that they]
make all sp[eed] possible that I m[ay come] to your
Gra[ce, for my] singular des[ire] and [co]mfort [is to
see] your Grace, above [all thi]ngs in this world. As
knoweth our Lord, who [ev]er preserve your Grace.

By your loving sister, Mary." *

Francis on his accession had secured Mary's dower
to her, and there was no trouble about her actual
jointure, but on the question of movables the dispute
arose. On October 13, 1514, Louis XII. had signed
letters of acquittance on the delivery of his wife,
with her jewels, furniture, etc., representing the

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 229 ; Calig. D. vi. 247.

202 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

400,000 golden crowns promised as her dowry,
provided that in case of restitution the King and his
heirs should only be bound to restore what she
brought with her into France, with the expenses
of her passage. The Queen-dowager was, according
to the marriage contract, to have the use of plate
and furniture, presumably that belonging to the
late King, but Francis said it was unreasonable to
expect him to allow this if the Queen left the
kingdom. However, Mary's chief contention was that
all the jewels which Louis had laid in her lap from
out those seven coffers at Abbeville and elsewhere,
and the gold plate which she had used, were to be
considered by her as her own, independent of her
position as Queen, and that she could do with them
as she liked. 1 This was distinctly contrary to the
legal instrument, but both Mary and Henry were
keen on that point, and the haggle, called negotiations,
dragged on. Francis, on the other hand, contended
that by law all the property of the late King should
go to pay his debts, and said that if she kept the
property she must take the debts too, and pay them,
for she had no right to the movables. Suffolk was
all desire to content his master, but the legalities
of the matter were beyond his disentangling, " as
touching whether she have right or no, I cannot tell,
for it is past my learning." 2 He made the best
friends he could about Francis, " to persuade him,
if so it were that she had none right, that he on his
honour might depart with her so that the King
[Henry] might see that he dealt not to the extremity."

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 827 ; Calig. D. vi. 238.
3 Ibid., ii. (ii.) App. 7.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 203

And so, my lord," he wrote to Wolsey, " in conclusion
I am assuredly advertised that he will be content
to give her the one half of the plate of gold, the
which is valued 50,000 crowns — for the whole is
but 100,000 crowns — aud also he will be content
to give her in jewels to the sum of 50,000 crowns,
the which, by as far as I can perceive, shall be the
one half of the jewels. My lord, this he will do
upon the condition that the King's Grace and all
his Council shall see that she has no right, and that
he does it of his own good will, and for the love of
the King's Grace and for hers, for he will not that
it should be thought and she had right but that she
should have all." If division were to be made, then
all the jewels would need to be shown, and Suffolk,
as already seen, had to ask for the return of the
jewel sent as a peace-offering to Henry. 1 But Henry
would not send back the famous " Miroir de Naples "
and it remained in England, grudged by the French
King. Mary's acknowledgment of the jewels she
received from Francis includes a large diamond called
" le Miroir de Naples " with a large pearl attached ; 20
diamonds u enchassez et mis en oeuvre en une bordeur
d'or," to serve as a head-dress ; 8 large pearls as
buttons for the sleeves ; 8 others for a carcanet ; a large
emerald ; a large ruby and 2 large diamonds set in 4
" chatons d'or " : all of which belonged to her late
lord and husband, Louis XII. 2 The jewel and the
promise of many more, and also of two-fifths of her
jointure, seems to have pacified her brother, for he
sent letters of recall almost at once, and wrote to

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (ii.) App. 7.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 327 ; Calig. D. vi. 228.

204 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Francis desiring him to allow the return of the Queen
to England. As things were it would be just as
well to get the pair home and let them be married
openly in Ed gland, but before that, Suffolk's request
that he might be married before leaving France was
acceded to, and a semi-private ceremony took place
on the last Saturday in March, the 30th, and in
Lent. Louise de Savoie's diary is the authority for
this date, though probably she was not present, for
she had been ill. " Samedi dernier jour de mars
le due de Suffort, homme de basse condition lequel
Henry VIII de ce nom avait envoye ambassadeur
devers le roi, epousa Marie." On April 4 definite
news of the marriage arrived at Ghent. 1 It seems
fairly probable — but with mutilated and undated
documents it is flying in the face of criticism to be
dogmatic — that it was at this time that Suffolk's
cousin, Sir William Sidney, arrived with letters and a
" credence " which brought the duke " great ease and
comfort." He caused Wingfield to write to Wolsey
that the archbishop "had bound him and all his to
be yours during their lives." 2 At this date, too,
Henry did his best to silence gossip, and wrote to
Margaret of Austria asking her to contradict all reports
in the Prince's court of a secret marriage.

Henry's anger was short-lived after all. He was
genuinely attached to Suffolk, who had done his business
as well as could be expected, and the King knew what
to expect from Francis in the matter of straight dealing,
so the Duke was overjoyed to receive, as a mark of
partially renewed confidence, orders to treat with

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 303.

2 Ibid., ii. 297 ; Calig. D. vi. 220.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 205

Francis for the final clauses of the peace. Wolsey was
truly a friend worth having, prodigal of tact and un-
wearying in effort. The Duke and the Queen were to
come home as soon as the peace was concluded, and the
hitch in the proceedings arose from Francis refusal to
prevent the departure of the Duke of Albany into
Scotland, for the Scots were to be comprehended in the
peace only on the distinct understanding that the old
Franco-Scottish alliance was broken. Francis, however,
said he had no mind to withdraw his protection and
amity from Scotland. By the marriage treaty now
concluded he had detached Flanders from England, and
knew that Henry without its aid and with an hostile
" friend " across the border would have small power
against him, but he gave his word as a gentleman, with
his hand on his heart, that his ambitions were entirely
Italian. All the same there was talk of Guelders
besieging Tournay, and Francis boasted that he could
have it any day. However, stop Albany he would not,
" though he swore he would jeopard his head and bind
him by the censures of the Church that if the Duke did
not bring peace to Scotland in four months he would
bring him home again." And Albany set out to take
ship at St Malo, " mawgre all the ships now in the sea"
to stop him. The English had a great day with the
King for his keeping. Francis suggested that if he
stopped Albany for three months then Suffolk should
remain the same time in France as hostage for Henry's
behaviour towards the Scots. 1 The ambassadors
promptly said No, they had no authority to do this
and would not if they had, and if the Duke were to
help the one party in Scotland, Henry would certainly

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222.

206 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

send aid to his sister, Queen Margaret. Francis was
too impatient to be off towards Italy to stand long on
the order of his treating, and the same day, April 5,
Holy Thursday, while the Queen and Suffolk were in
the church of the Maturins, "adjoining fast to her
Grace's lodging, the French King came in to take
pardon and spake not past two or three words with
[the] Queen, but came over to my lord and showed him
[as far] as he could understand, as my lord showed
unto us, that he had stopped the said Duke of Albany's
going [into] Scotland, and that he would send another
ambassador that should come through England and
s[how the King and his] Council his instructions." l
The upshot was that Francis gave the Scots three
months to come into the amity, " so that it might
[seem to] his friends there that he forsook them not,"
and peace was signed in London on Easter Monday,
March 9. The only bit of public business now remain-
ing was the Tournay question, but Suffolk had been
bitten and would not again treat of the matter, and
referred it for settlement to the meeting of the Kings. 2
So Tournay remained to the English.

Francis had promised that Mary should be allowed
to depart as soon as "le tans se trouvera convenable," 3
and now gave her liberty to depart the Saturday next
after Quasimodo Geniti (Low Sunday, April 15). 4 The
date being settled, Wingfield and West were more than
ever anxious to get her affairs definitely settled. The
costs of her " traduction " made the Chancellor hold up
his hands in horror that all that money 'should have

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222.

2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 281 ; Calig. D. vi. 260.
* Ibid., ii. (i.) 296 ; Calig. D. vi. 220.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 207

been spent in seven or eight days, but the King, he
said, was willing to make a composition without asking
for particulars. They replied that the hiring and
manning of the ships had occupied a much longer time
than that, and that it had been necessary to scour the
seas both east and west beforehand that no enemy
might impeach her passage. As to the question of
composition, there could be none in truth, for the costs
were included by an article in the treaty and they had
no other basis for treating. However, if the King
would tell them what sum he had decided on they
would either take it or refer it to Henry. No sum had
been decided on, and the answer was deferred till the
next day. Francis told the Chancellor to make an end
of the matter and offer 30,000 francs. Wingfield and
West haggled for 20,000 crowns of the sun, equal to
39,000 francs, which, after consulting together, they
agreed to take, " considering we could bring him to no
greater sum, and in what necessity the Queen was, not
having one penny towards her charges, seeing also the
exclamation of the merchants and other victuallers, and
her servants for their wages, especially by them that be
now warned out of (service), we were by force driven to
consent to the said offer, and could not otherwise make
shift to furnish her charges, which be exceeding great
as you shall know hereafter, to your no little marvel." l
Thus far everything was adjusted but the question
of the jewels and plate, the offer of half of which
had been favourably entertained by Henry. Francis
offered 30,000 crowns for the "Miroir de Naples," 2
and was exceeding wroth when he found the jewel had

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222.
3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 437 ; Calig. D. vi. 231.

208 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

passed the sea beyond recall, and no doubt his wrath
accounts for his scant courtesy to Mary in church on
Holy Thursday. Mary must have made " a good Pask,"
for England and home were in sight at last, but it
needed another eight days to conclude matters. On
Saturday, April 14, in the Clugny Abbey, Mary signed
a receipt for 200,000 gold crowns, including 20,000 paid
for her travelling expenses, returned as moiety of her
dowry that had been already paid. 1 And on the same
day Suffolk authorized his wife to receive and give
receipt for jewels, etc., which formed part of her dowry. 2
This authorization may have been demanded by Francis
to strengthen his point that Mary did not receive the
jewels as right but as a gift from him. On the following
Monday Mary gave the required receipt, and set out
at once for home, glad to get out of her prison, where
she had not known a day's health, and to leave Paris
with its mud and smells and innumerable horses. The
gold plate was left behind, with the marriage present
which the prudent Venetian ambassador, who arrived
after Louis XII.'s death, had thriftily suppressed, though
Mary had asked for it. 3 Dean West was to try and
extract the plate from the King at the signing of the
treaty, and, failing that, Suffolk said he would give its
value to Henry. The impulsive dispatch of the jewel had
spoiled the negotiations, and Francis still was so incensed
that he had "done nothing about the present which he
had promised the Queen by the Grand-master and Bon-
nivet," and had only given her at her departing " four
baagues of no great value." 4 With the present he sent

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 319 ; R.T. 137.

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 320 ; K.T. 137. 3 Giustinian's Despatches, 54.

4 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 343 ; Calig. D. vi. 230.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 209

the message that she could have the movables if she
paid the debts. West did his best at Montargys, where
the treaty of peace with England was signed, to get more
out of the King. On the Dean breaking roundly with
him on the subject, Fran< 1 "studied a little," and said
he would give him an answer next day. West then
said that the interview desired by the two Kings de-
pended on Henry's side on the answer he got about the
jewels and plate, and if "he dealt not well with the
Queens Grace, your sister, in that matter, your Grace
would take it so unkindly that there would be great
difficulty to bring it to pass." Next day, after the
ceremony of subscribing the treaty at the high altar,
"the King desired him to repeat in the presence of the
Chancellor what he had said the day before touching
the Queen's moveables," and when he had done so, the
Chancellor requested West to withdraw. On being re-
called, West was told by the Chancellor at the King's
desire that " if the King understood] that the Queen
had any right to the said moveables] he would have
given her altogether. And [upon this] as I said she
had received no part, the Chancellor replied that she
had the jewel of Naples, for which the King offered
30,000 crowns, and 18 pearls valued at 10,000 crowns ;
but the King trusted to see Henry shortly and they
would settle the matter together." 1 No other answer
was to be had, and West sent Mary's useless seal after
her by Suffolk's servant. Suffolk's commonsense spoke
truth when he said they could not compel Francis to
" gyf soo moche wyet howth (without) he lyst."

The Queen was now (April 16) on her way to Calais
with Suffolk. Francis had gone with her almost to St

1 L, and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 437 ; Calig. D. vi. 231.
14

2io MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Denis, and Monsieur and many of the personages kept
her company to Boulogne. The day she left peace was
proclaimed, fires were made at night, and on the morrow
there was a holiday. On the 22nd they came to Mon-
treuil, and there Suffolk's uneasiness at Wolsey's silence
for the past fortnight (" one in his position was glad of
tidings ") found vent in a letter to Henry beseeching
pardon and forgiveness.

" Most Gracious Sovereign Lord. — So it is that I am
informed divers ways that all your whole Council, my
lord of York excepted, with many others are clearly
determined to tempt your Grace that I may either be
put to death or be put in prison and so to be destroyed.
Alas, Sir, I may say that I have a hard fortune, seeing
that there was never none of them in trouble but I was
glad to help them in my power, and that your Grace
knows best. And now that I am in this none little
trouble and sorrow now they are ready to help and
destroy me. But, Sir, I can no more but God forgive
them whatsoever comes to me, for I am determined.
For, Sir, your Grace is he that is my sovereign lord and
master, and he that has brought me up out of nought,
and I am your subject and servant and he that has
offended your Grace in breaking my promise that I made
your Grace touching the Queen, your sister. For the
which, with most humble heart, I will yield myself unto
your Grace's hands to do with my poor body your gracious
pleasure, not fearing the malice of them, for I know your
Grace of such nature that it cannot lie in their powers to
cause you to destroy me for their malice. But what
punishment I have I shall thank God and your Grace
of it, and think that I have well deserved it, both to
God and your Grace. As knows our Lord, who send

THE LOVERS COME HOME 211

your Grace your most honorable heart's desire with
long life, and me, most sorrowful wretch, your gracious
favour, what sorrows soever I endure therefor.

At Mottryll, the 22nd day of April, by your most
humble subject and servant, Charles Suffolk."

The letter Mary sent by the same messenger, Sir
William Sidney, had been already submitted to Wolsey,
for the draft of it in his secretary's hand altered in the
archbishop's, is extant in the Public Eecord Office.

"My most dear and entirely beloved brother. In
most humble manner I recommend me to your Grace.

" Dearest brother, I doubt not that you have in your
good remembrance that whereas, for the good of peace
and for the furtherance of your affairs, you moved me
to marry with my lord and late husband, King Louis of
France, whose soul God pardon. Though I understood
that he was very aged and sickly, yet for the advance-
ment of the said peace and for the furtherance of your
causes, I was contented to conform myself to your said
motion, so that if I should fortune to survive the said
late King I might with your good will marry myself
at my liberty without your displeasure. Whereunto,
good brother, you condescended and granted, as you
well know, promising unto me that in such case you
would never provoke nor move me but as mine own
heart and mind should be best pleased, and that where-
soever I should dispose myself you would wholly be
content with the same. And upon that your good
comfort and faithful promise I assented to the said
marriage, else I would never have granted to, as at the
same time I showed unto you more at large. Now that

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i) 367 ; Vesp. F. xiii. 80.

212 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

God hath called my said late husband to his mercy, and
I am at my liberty, dearest brother, remembering the
great virtues which I have seen and perceived heretofore
in my lord of Suffolk, to whom I have always been of
good mind, as ye well know, I have affixed and clearly
determined myself to marry him, and the same I assure
you hath proceeded only of mine own mind, without any
request or labour of my lord of Suffolk or of any other
person. And to be plain with your Grace, I have so
bound myself unto him that for no cause earthly I will
or may vary or change from the same. Wherefore my
good and most kind brother, I now beseech your Grace
to take this matter in good part, and to give unto me
and to my said lord of Suffolk your good will herein,
ascertaining you that upon the trust and comfort which
I have for that you have always honourably regarded
your promise, I am comen out of the realm of France and
have put myself within your jurisdiction in this your
town of Calais, where I intend to remain till such time
as I shall have answer from you of your good and loving
mind herein, which I would not have done, but upon the
faithful trust that I have in your said promise.
Humbly beseeching your Grace for the great and tender
love which ever hath been and shall be between you and
me to bare your gracious mind and show yourself agree-
able hereunto, and to certify me by your most loving
letters of the same. Till which time I will make mine
abode here and no further enter your realms.

"And to the intent it may please you, the rather
to condescend to this my most hearty desire, I am
contented and expressly promise, and bind me to
you by these presents to give you all the whole dot
which was delivered with me, and also all such plate

THE LOVERS COME HOME 213

of gold and jewels as I shall have of my said late
husband's. Over and besides this I shall, rather
than fail, give you as much yearly part of my dower
to as great a sum as shall stand with your will and
pleasure. And of all the premises I promise upon
knowledge of your good mind to make unto you
sufficient bonds. Trusting verily that in fulfilling
your said promise to me made, you will show your
brotherly love, affection and good mind to me in
this behalf, which to hear of I abide with most
desire, and not to be miscontented with my said lord
of Suffolk, whom of mine inward good mind and
affection to him I have in manner enforced to be
agreeable to the same, without any request of him
made. As knoweth our Lord, whom I beseech to
have your Grace in his merciful governance." *

Both letters harped on a " promise," and Mary's
argument was all the stronger that the King's anger
was because of Suffolk's broken word, and Henry
was just the man to feel that in these circumstances
the royal word must remain intact. Besides, he
was getting his full price. The argument was very
likely Wolsey's, who no doubt was rather weary of
hearing about Suffolk's default. In uncertainty,
however, the Queen and Suffolk went on to Calais,
only to find the town inflamed against the Duke,
and it is said he had to keep within the King of
England's house for fear of the people. For nearly
a month, in expectation of the Queen's arrival, the
deputation from the town to Henry on important
local business had been put off by command of the

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 227. Letters of Royal and Illustrious
Ladies, i. 203.

214 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Deputy, Sir Richard Wingfield, "for the town would
have been left bare at the arrival of the Queen," '
and possibly this sharpened local exasperation. Stowe
says that Mary crossed on May 2, and the official
account says she did not stay long at Calais, " but
within a few short days, the time being fine, good
and suitable, took her passage and arrived at Dover,
which is the place from whence she set sail when
she went abroad. At which place she was met by
many honourable personages, as well lords as ladies,
and by them conducted and accompanied to a place
called Saint Saulve (Sauveur?) de Grace (sic), and
about two leagues from the said county of the said
saint, she was met and received by my lord the
Archbishop of York, and from thence also accompanied
he conveyed her, taking the way to Barking, which
is a fine manor, where was our said lord the King.
And before she arrived at the said place of Barking,
the King, accompanied by many great princes and
lords of this kingdom, in good and great number
met her a mile from the said place of Barking,
and bid her welcome as cordially and affectionately
as he possibly could, rejoicing greatly in her honourable
return and great prosperity. And from the place
of the said meeting his highness conveyed her to the
said manor of Barking, at which place it was appointed
that the King and she should stay all the day next
ensuing." 2

What was her real and private reception, and how
Suffolk came into his master's presence, we have no

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 297 ; Calig. D. vi. 220.
2 Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat, Paris, quoted in Green's
Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 102.

THE LOVERS COME HOME 215

means of knowing. The document given hereafter
in full says that explanations took place in the evening
of their arrival at Barking. By a deed dated May
11th, the day after their arrival, the final conditions
of marriage and forgiveness were settled, and Mary
and Suffolk bound themselves to pay to Henry for
expenses over and above her dowry .£24,000 in yearly
instalments of £1000, and to resign to the King's
use her dot of £200,000 and her plate and jewels.
On Suffolk's part he resigned the wardship of Lady
Lisle. 1 Two days after this the marriage was openly
celebrated at Greenwich, on May 13, 2 in the presence
of the whole Court, where the Norfolk faction gloomed
in defeat, for while the Court bulletin sent abroad said
that "all the estates and others of this realm be very
glad and well pleased," Hall was nearer the mark
when he wrote that "many men grudged."

Now that all was en regie, the only thing that remained
to be done was to cover up entirely the traces of the first
and most irregular marriage, and to acknowledge and
ask for the concealment of the one on March 31, to
which Francis was privy. So Sir William Sidney was
sent back to Francis with a document containing a neat
set of events, arranged to hide improprieties and to
guard against future questions. It is really a safeguard
of the legitimacy of the children of the then heir to the
throne. There are two documents, one in Paris and one
in London. Sir William Sidney is told therein (by
Wolsey and Suffolk) to represent to Francis that 3 " the
same evening that the said Queen arrived at the said

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 436. R.O. 2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 468. R.O.

3 Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted in Green's
Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 103.

216 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

place of Barking, after many communications and
devices had between the King and her touching her
affairs, she among other things made overture and
declaration to the King, our said lord, that the marriage,
for which the King, her son-in-law, had before written
very earnestly by letters of his own hand to the King,
our said lord, for the marriage between her and the Duke
of Suffolk, was not only concluded and determined but
was secretly perfected, finished and solemnized in the
Kingdom of France in Lent last past, to the doing of
which the King, her son-in-law, was alone privy, desiring,
therefore, with the greatest possible humility the King,
our said lord, to take and accept it in good part, and to
be well content at it and not to object nor lay any blame
on the said Duke of Suffolk, since this proceeded entirely
on her own wish and the singular love that she bore him,
and that it proceeded not all from his procuration or
pursuit.

" Which overture and declaration was at first strange
and very displeasing to the King, nevertheless, recalling
the very urgent prayer and request that the King, his
said good brother and cousin, had heretofore made him
upon this by his said letters written with his hand for
the accomplishing of the said marriage, with the very
humble mediation and good aid of my lord of York,
the anger of the King was appeased and somewhat
modified. And considering that the said marriage had
been contracted in the prohibited time and season, and
without banns asked, and celebrated by a priest not
having authority from the ordinary therefor, also to avoid
the danger which might ensue from the illegitimation of
such children as might be procreated between them two,
and in part guard the King's honour and hers, and also

THE LOVERS COME HOME 217

accomplish and comply with the desire of his said good
brother and cousin, the King — although the King might
well have shown more displeasure, which might have
been for his own dignity and that of his kingdom —
nevertheless, for the causes and considerations above
declared and that his said good brother, the King, might
assuredly know and understand that the King would
incline and be conformable to all his reasonable desires,
his highness not onlv consented, but it seemed to him
to be good and expedient — to avoid all danger and to
establish the thing more perfectly — that the said marriage
should be openly solemnized in England and performed
in due form and manner with the publication of banns
and all other ceremonies herein requisite and expedient,
according to what has been and is accustomed to be done
in such case.

[English draft begins here. 1 ] " Wherefore after all
preparations made for that purpose and the banns openly
asked, the said marriage between the said Queen and
Duke was solemnized at Greenwich in presence of the
King, the Queen, and such other nobles and estates of
this realm as then were attending in the Court, on Sunday
the 13th day of this instant month of May, and with
the same all the said estates and others of this realm be
very glad and well pleased. And considering that there
be no mo privy to the said secret marriage made between
them in France, but only the said French King and
none privy here unto but the King, to whom the said
French King and Duke disclosed the same, the said Sir
William Sidney shall say that the King's Grace desireth
and perfectly trusteth that for the honour of the said
French Queen and for avoiding of all evil bruits which

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 468.

218 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

may ensue thereof, he will reserve and keep the same at
all times hereafter secret to himself without making any
creature privy thereunto, like as the King shall do for
his part. And at this point the said Sir William Sidney
shall pause, noting and marking substantially what answer
the said French King shall make hereunto to the intent
he may certify the said Archbishop of York and the
Duke of Suffolk thereof accordingly."

Thus Suffolk and Wolsey laboured to repair the
damage, but with little effect ; secrecy had become im-
possible, the news was over Europe.

Here ends the via dolorosa to their open marriage, and
now, after this hour in a fierce light which revealed the
very beating of her heart, Mary sinks back into the
cloud of obscurity which covers the lives of people
neither politically nor criminally important. Occasion-
ally, as will be seen hereafter, the cloud lifts, only to close
down again almost immediately. Of her married life
little can be found, and if the well-known stanza written
on their portrait indicates anything, it is a certain loving
tolerance on the part of Suffolk for his capricious, warm-
hearted wife.

" Cloth of gold do not despise,
Though thou be matched with cloth of frize :
Cloth of frize be not too bold,
Though thou be matched with cloth of gold."

CHAPTER XI

AFTERWARDS

SO far as consecutive dated documents go, Mary's
history comes to an end with her open marriage,
for this last chapter is largely made up of odds
and ends of information, undated letters, dated scraps,
as tantalizing in their laconic information as the fuller
undated letters in their vagueness. When possible
from internal evidence, the letters have been dated,
but generally this is not so, and they are chiefly
valuable as accentuating that pleasant trait in Mary's
character, already noticed in her history, her readiness
to use her influence to help her dependents. The
letters are with few exceptions addressed to Wolsey,
and they show in their language, which one cannot
help but believe to be the expression of genuine feeling,
that she never forgot his help in her time of trouble.
With one exception, the question of the divorce of
Katharine, we have absolutely no data to show what
was her attitude towards the circling events of the
ensuing eighteen years, and this chapter is found to
bear the same relation to the foregoing ones as the
stick does to the rocket.

Suffolk and Wolsey were busy for months over
the marriage question, but one of the first things
the Duke found time to do was to retrieve his

daughter Anne from the care of Lady Margaret of

219

22o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Savoy. 1 He wrote to her on May 30, 1515,
thanking her for her care of the child, whom he
had intended to have left permanently in her
charge, but as the French Queen desired her presence,
he was sending Sir Edward Guildford to bring her
home.

So far as the jewels and plate were concerned, 2
Sir Wm. Sidney had no success in his mission to
Francis. Neither jewels nor plate were forthcoming,
so Sir Richard Wingfield, 3 who knew all the intricacies
of the affair, was commissioned to go to the French
King. Sir Richard was very unwilling to undertake
the journey to Lyons, where was Francis ; " never-
theless, if my voyage shall proceed, I trust it is not
the King's highness mind that I should jeopard my
life with him, for if I had one hundred lives I lever
jeopard them with my prince than one with any other
prince." Henry desired no jeoparding of his life,
and his instructions were to thank the French King
for his consolation of the King's sister ; and then,
other matters relating to the continuation of the amity
having been presented, he was to show to Francis the
right of the Queen-dowager of France to the jewels
and plate of gold of her late husband, and so on
through the whole argument again, dwelling on the
fact that the Mirror of Naples is but a small thing,
and her own by right, and using all wisdom, policy,
and sober persuasions that he can to this effect. It
was all to no purpose ; gold plate and jewels Mary
never saw again, and her income from her dowry was
uncertain, and caused anxiety and weariness all her

1 L. and P. H. VIII, ii. 529. Add. MS. 14,840.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 828.

AFTERWARDS 221

life. During this year and the next, while the matter
was still fresh in the mind of Henry, he did not cease
to urge the restitution of the jewels, always as a matter
of right.

Mary and her husband had been forgiven and were
in favour again, and at Court became quite naturally
the centre of all those French influences and ideas
which have always had such a vivid attraction to
Englishmen. Wolsey's policy, however, was giving
way to pressure, and was swinging back to the tradi-
tional one of enmity to France, so that the SufFolks
watched events with some anxiety. They were in
communication with the Duke of Albany, 1 the head
of the French party in Scotland : Mary to ask his
protection for her sister, Queen Margaret, and her
uephews, while Albany 2 wrote in October to Suffolk
to ask for his good offices with Henry for him. If
Suffolk could only have kept out of the French circle
it would have been safer for him, but he was nervous
about the fulfilment of his marriage contract as it
regarded the King, and desired to continue on friendly
terms with Francis and Louise, so that his very fear
of Henry's anger drove him into constant danger of in-
curring it. Thus, in 1515, 3 when Bapaume, the French
Ambassador, had been rudely received by Henry, who
was annoyed by Francis' brilliant successes in Italy and
by his help to the Scots, what must Suffolk do but go-
and smooth matters over. He was as civil as Henry
had been the reverse, and rejoiced at the fitness of the
French, and said no one was more obliged to their
King than he was, and that, after Henry, he would

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1025 ; Calig. B. ii. 367.

2 Ibid., ii. 1026. 3 Ibid., ii. 1113.

222 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

serve him all his life. He reassured Bapaume, whose
fears had been excited by the christening by the French
Queen of the new galley, " The Virgin Mary," and said
the ship had only been built to please Katharine and
his wife. A copy of the ambassador's letter to Louise
de Savoie, containing a circumstantial account of this
interview with the Duke, and of one more cordial
still with Wolsey, came into the hands of the Council,
and was communicated to Henry (no doubt by Wolsey,
for some reason unknown to us), for in January 1516
Suffolk's matters with the King were not in good order.
The political evil was further tangled by the financial
one, and by the beginning of the year his liabilities
to Henry amounted to £12,000, and they were in the
hands of Henry's bankers and debtors, the Italian
merchants, the Frescobaldi, and the Cavalcanti, to whom
the King very often deputed the task of collecting his
debts. There was no prospect of money from France. 1
Francis had taken no notice of an invitation sent by
Suffolk to be godfather at the christening of the child
which Katharine was expecting, and the union between
the English and the Prince of Castile was affirmed
by the looseness of that between Henry and Francis.
Thus Suffolk, for the moment, had lost his master's
favour, and his wife her income. Mary sent " certain
jewels and other things " to Henry, to the amount
of £1000, and that tided them over the first pay-
ment, but Suffolk begged Henry to have pity on them
both. 2

Mary, however, at this moment had other things
to think of, for on Tuesday, March 11, 1516, "between

1 Giustinian's Despatches, i. 176 ; L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1505.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1604.

AFTERWARDS 223

10 and 11 o'clock in the night, was born at Bath
Place (Wolsey's house) the son of Mary Queen of
France and Charles Duke of Suffolk, whose christen-
ing was deferred unto the Thursday next following/'
so he was probably a weakly infant. Typical state
was held at the christening, for, save the little Princess
Mary, who had been born a month before to Katharine,
he was the heir to the throne, and Queen Mary was
not one to forget that. 1 " From the nursery to the
hall door was well gravelled, and above all well rushed
of a meetly thickness, and railed round about from the
nursery to the hall door, whereat was a goodly porch
of timber work substantially builded, which porch was
hanged without with cloth of arras, and within hanged
with cloth of gold. And also the hall richly hanged
with arras." Red and white roses were everywhere on
cushions and hangings. The font had lukewarm water,
and was in the charge of two esquires with aprons, and
two more were there to see that the fire in the recess
where the young lord was to be unarrayed did not
smoke. Torches lined the way from the nursery to
the hall, and there were twenty-four in the hall itself.
Down the burning alleyway came the basin, the taper,
the salt and the chrysom, all borne by members of the
household ; then Lady Anne Grey, with the young lord
in her arms, supported by Lord Dacres, chamberlain to
the French Queen, at the head, and Lord Edward
Grey at the foot. The train was borne by Sir
Humphrey Bannister, chamberlain to the Duke of
Suffolk, and four torches were borne about the young
lord by four esquires. The King, the Cardinal, and

1 Wood MS. No. 8495, F. 33, f . 45, Ashmolean Library, quoted in Green's
Lives of the Princesges of England.

224 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

the old Lady Katharine, Countess of Devon, Mary's
aunt, were sponsors at the font, while the Bishop of
Durham was godfather at the bishoping [confirmation].
The Bishop of Rochester christened the child, and the
King gave the name. Gifts were presented by the
sponsors, the Lady Katharines being two plain pots
of silver and gilt, the King's a salt of gold and a cup
of gold. Then the company went back to the nursery,
where Mary was awaiting them, and presented the
young lord to his mother. The baby's behaviour all
through seems to have equalled that of his little cousin
the Princess Mary, who, according to her father's boast,
never cried. Henry's presence at the christening was
probably due to his genuine affection for his sister, for
he had by no means restored Suffolk to favour, and
ordered him into the country till it was his pleasure to
see him. The truth was, no doubt, that Wolsey, who
was now "marvellous great" 1 with Sir William
Compton of the Norfolk party, was deep in the
negotiations for the league between England and
Flanders, to which Suffolk was naturally opposed,
and his presence in opposition at Court was simply
not to be tolerated. Suffolk spent nearly a whole
year in exile from the Court, though in September,
when Henry made a progress through Suffolk and
came to the Duke's own house at Donyngton, he allowed
Suffolk to come to him. Mary, who felt the exile
more than her husband, wrote to her brother thank-
ing him for his condescension.

My most dearest right entirely beloved lord and
brother, 2 — In my most humble wise I recommend me

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1959.

a Ibid., ii. 2347 ; Calig. B. vi. f. 106.

AFTERWARDS 225

unto your Grace, showing unto your Grace that I do
p[erceive] by my lord and husband that you are pleased
and contented that he shall resort unto your presence,
at such time as your Grace shall be at his manor of
Donyngton, whereby I see well that he is marvellously
rejoiced and much comforted that it hath liked your
Grace so to be pleased, for the which your special
goodness to him, showed in that behalf, and for sundry
and many other your kindness, as well to me as to him,
showed and given in divers causes, I most humbly
thank your Grace, assuring you that for the same I
account myself as much bounden unto your Grace as
ever sister was to brother, and according thereunto I
shall to the best of my power during my life endeavour
myself as far as in me shall be possible, to do the thing
that shall stand with your pleasure. And if it had
been time convenient and your Grace had been there-
with pleased I would most gladly have accompanied
my said lord in this journey. But I trust that both I
and my said lord shall see you, according as your Grace
wrote in your last letters unto my said lord, which is
the thing that I desire more to obtain than all the
honour of the world. And thus I beseech our Lord to
send unto you, my most dearest and entirely beloved
brother and lord, long and prosperous life with the full
accomplishment of all your honourable desires, most
humbly praying your Grace that I may be humbly
recommended unto my most dearest and best beloved
sister, the Queen's Grace, and to the Queen of Scots,
my well beloved sister, trusting that [I ?] be ascertained
from your Grace of the prosperous estate and health
of my dearly beloved n[iece] the princess, to whom I
pray God send long life.

226 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

"From Letheringham in Suffolk, the 9th day of
September, by the hand of your loving sister,

Marie, Queen of France."

Suffolk's banishment was not revoked, and on
November 1 the league against France between
Flanders, Spain, England, and the Swiss was con-
cluded, of which, as Giustinian the Venetian said, 1 the
Cardinal of York was the beginning, middle and end.
Wolsey had not forgotten Mary, and had tried to get
a clause about her dowry inserted into the treaty,
"that in case any prince should refuse to pay debts
owing to England, as if France were to decline paying
the dowry of the Lady Mary, the confederates should
be bound to assist him." 2 But the Flemish Council
thought this unreasonable.

The new year, 1517, brought new demands for the
King's payments, and the Earl of Shrewsbury had
been dunning the Duke for certain smaller sums. In
February Suffolk went to London to go into the state
of his own and his wife's debts to the King with
Wolsey (the Venetian Ambassador met him at the
Cardinal's, very busy over them), 3 and he afterwards
wrote to Henry : —

" Sir, 4 — In the most humble wise I commend me to
your Grace. And, Sir, so was it at the last time I was
with your Grace I went through with my lord Cardinal
for such debts as the Queen your sister and I are in
to your Grace, for the which it was thought by your
Grace's Council learned that your sister and I both

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 2500.

2 Ibid., ii. 2427 ; Galba B. iv. 1846.

3 Giustinian's Despatches, ii. 35.

4 Titus B. i. f. 69.

AFTERWARDS 227

must confer divers things before your judges according
unto the law. And, Sir, I beseech you that she may
come up to the intent that she may do all such acts,
according as be devised or shall be devised most for
your Grace's surety, to the intent that whatsoever shall
happen of me that your Grace may be in surety, and
that it shall not be said but it is her deed and free will
the which your Grace shall well perceive that it is done
with good mind and heart. And, Sir, the coming up
of her to see your Grace shall rejoice her more than
the value of that if it should be given to her. Sir, it
is so that I have heard by my lord Morley and others
that your Grace intends to have some pastime this May
and that your Grace's pleasure is that I shall give mine
attendance on your Grace, the which I shall be as glad
to do as any poor servant or subject that your Grace
has living. Howbeit, Sir, I am somewhat unprovided
of such things as belong to that business, wherefore if it
may stand with your Grace's pleasure I would bring up
the Queen, your sister, against Easter to both plays,
and then remain till she and I may know your Grace's
further pleasure, to the which she and I shall obey with
humble heart, according to her duty and mine. As
knows God, who preserve your Grace in long life with
as much health and honour as your noble heart can
•desire, which is both her and my daily prayer.
"By your most humble subject and servant,

Charlys Suffoke."

Shortly after having written this letter Suffolk was
annoyed by an incident which might have embroiled
him further with the King. It was all through the
meddlesome match-making of Mistress Jerningham, who

228 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

ought to have known better. In March Queen
Katharine was going to Our Lady of Walsingham to
pray for a son, and on the way she was to be enter-
tained by the SufFolks. The Duke's letter to Wolsey
explains the affair.

" My very good lord, 1 — In my most heartiest manner I
commend me unto your good lordship, ever more thank-
ing you for the good mind that you have borne unto
me, and beseeching your good continuance of the same.
So it is, my lord, according to your advice I met the
Queen my mistress on Friday last past at Pickenham
Wood, and as my duty was, awaited upon her Grace to
Walsingham, and also according to your advice the
French Queen did meet with the said Queen my mistress
at the next place that was convenient nigh unto our
lodging, and such poor cheer as we could make her
Grace we did, with as good heart and mind as her own
servants according to our duties. Furthermore, my
lord, as yesterday, Monday, the 16th day of March,
Mistress Jerningham came to the French Queen my
wife at dinner time, before the Queen my mistress
coming hither, and after that she had been with the
said Queen my wife, she took her daughter-in-law aside
with her, and called young Berkeley [heir to Lord
Berkeley] unto them, and there privately ensured
[betrothed] the said Berkeley unto the Lady Anne
Grey, one of the Queen my wife's ladies and mine.
Which is no little displeasure unto me, seeing he is
the King's ward, and that it pleased his Grace to put
him to my rule and guiding. I had lever have spent a
thousand pound than any such pageant should have
been done within the Queen's house and mine. My

1 Green's "Lives of the Princesses of England," v. 116.

AFTERWARDS 229

Lord, I heartily desire and pray your good lordship that
if any misinformations be made unto the King's Grace
hereof that it will please you to shew his Grace hereof
as I have written unto you, lest his Grace should give
credence unto some other light informations herein,
which I should abide by upon my honour, and that it
will please you to stay the matter till my coming up to
London. Also that it would please your lordship so to
order this matter that it may be an example to all
other, how they should make any such mysteries within
any nobleman or woman's house hereafter, and in
especially with one of the King's wards. And thus
fare you well, my very good lord, I beseech Jesu to
send you long life and good health. From the manor
of Rising, the 17th day of March.

" By your assured

Charlys Sufpoke."

The betrothal was of course invalid, and Suffolk got
no blame in the matter, but it is a great pity one cannot
read what Wolsey said to forward Mistress Jerningham.
Suffolk came to Court for St George's Day, was well
received by the King and Wolsey, and in a few days
returned to Suffolk to bring his wife to town, and they
were spectators of the Cardinal's "pageant" when at
the intercession of himself and the three queens, for
the Queen of Scots was in London, the King pardoned
the rioters of the Evil May Day. Mary saw the fine
sight when each of the forty men in custody took the
halter from his neck and threw it in the air, and jumped
for joy at his escape from death. "It was a very fine
spectacle and well arranged," said a cynical foreigner.

2 3 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

In July they were present at the banquet and jousts
given at Greenwich to the ambassadors of the Emperor
and the King of Spain on the signing of the treaty of
amity. Suffolk signed it, and with it lost, he probably
thought, all chance of his wife's income. At Greenwich
the sailors from the King's great galley set up the cables
for the tilt, and the two queens, Katharine and Mary,
watched their husbands joust under the windows of the
palace, 1 " like Hector and Achilles," Henry in black and
white, the Duke in white, lozenged with crimson satin
seme with the letters C.M., for Charles and Mary.
Then came a banquet, when the French Queen sat at
the head of the table beside her brother, and Suffolk
was in the middle of one side opposite Norfolk and old
Lady Guildford. During the dinner boys made the
sweetest melody with their voices, flute, rebeck, and
harpsichord, and after this there was dancing, when the
King showed himself indefatigable, dancing all night
after jousting all afternoon. The great feature in the
whole series of entertainments was the playing of Fra
Dionysius Memo, 2 late organist at St Mark's, Venice, and
now chief musician to Henry, and so sweet it was, and
so enthralled was the King by it, that the Court had
concerts lasting for four hours on end. Henry always
led the applause vehemently. The Court resounded
with song, and there was rivalry among the boy singers
and the musicians. Small wonder that Mary, whose
tastes were like her brother's, longed to be always at
Court with such gay company, but Suffolk could not
move without running up against his creditors, and
again he had to refuse Lord Shrewsbury, 3 who was

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3455. 2 C. S. P. Venice, i. 910.

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. 3487.

MARGARET TUDOR. QUEEN OF SCOTS

ROM THE I'AIN I IN(. I\ THE STYLE OF BERNARD VAN ORLEV IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAH GALLERY

AFTERWARDS 231

pressing for his money, so that probably his enjoyment
was not as whole-hearted as his Queens.

Immediately the festivities were over, 1 Mary went to
Bishop's Hatfield, and there was delivered of a daughter
who was called Frances, for she was born on St Francis'
Day. The Queen and the Princess Mary were god-
mothers, for whom Lady Boleyn, Anne Boleyn's mother,
and Lady Elizabeth Grey acted as deputies, and the
Abbot of St Albans was godfather. There was great
state at the christening, but nothing like that held for
the young lord who might become King of England.

The financial arrangement which Suffolk had made
with the Council was an indenture which showed that
their debts to Henry amounted to £24,000 due by them
at Calais, £600 for their diets in the King's house, and
also £2300 for other things. Of this, £20,000 was the
proper debt of the French Queen, and £6901 the debt
of the Duke. Henry acknowledged having received
from them in jewels £1666, 13s. 4d., and was to receive
the remainder in instalments of 1000 marks at Michael-
mas and at Easter, " if the French Queen so long live
and the Duck togeders," and it probably was now that
the clause was inserted by which the King waived his
right to demand payment when by reason of war Mary's
income was practically cancelled. 2 Francis promised
in February 1518 that the dowry of his belle-mere
should be paid, and gave orders to the officers in
Saintonge, and the other places of her dower-lands, to
let her representatives receive the rents, and the result
was that 14,610 crowns were paid to Henry's repre-
sentative, Fowler, at Calais. The arrangement with
the Suffolks seems to have been that the King's officer

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487 and 3489. 2 Ibid., ii. 43* App.

232 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

was to receive the amount paid by the French, and that
he was to pay over to the Queen the proportion due to
her after the King's debt was satisfied, and in July 1518
Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's officer, gave receipt for
£2722.

The Easter of 1518, the French Queen and her
husband were ordered to the Court at Abingdon, 1
whither Henry had fled from the sweating sickness,
out of the region of the daily death-roll. Suffolk wrote
to Wolsey 2 to know how the French Queen was to be
ordered in her coming to the King, "the which shall
not fail to be followed." Mary was always delighted
to be at Court, and by reason of her 3 Henry allowed
Suffolk to remain till St George's Day. This was an
opportunity for the Duke by protestation to clear him-
self of the slur cast on him by his reported private
dealings with the French, and after he had received the
sacrament on Easter Day, 4 he went to Sir Richard Pace,
Wolsey's secretary with the King, and said he had been
accused as untrue to the King's Grace as well in accept-
ing a protection offered him by France, as in putting
the French orators, on their being last in England,
in comfort of the restitution of Tournay. It was
all untrue. Pace listened and reported, but nothing
happened, save that Suffolk remained at Court with his
wife, and when Henry went to Woodstock Manor, they
both went with him. Henry here indulged his passion
for music to the extent of having the organs in the
parish church repaired and taken to the manor house
by two men had down from London for the purpose,
and Dionysius Memo charmed the thoughts of the sick-

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4034. 2 Ibid., ii. 4035.

3 Ibid., ii. 4061. 4 Ibid.

AFTERWARDS 233

ness out of his mind. Mary fell i]l there and could not
be moved, and her husband wrote to Wolsey to apologize
for their over-staying their invitation. " The chief
cause 1 of my writing unto your Grace at this time is to
advertise your Grace that the French Queen cannot
depart the Court so soon as was appointed, for, Sir, it
hath pleased God to visit her with an ague, the which
has taken her Grace every third day four times very
sharp, but by the grace of God she shall shortly recover.
For, Sir, the King's Grace's physicians take marvellous
good heed unto her Grace, and also especially his Grace
comforts her so like a good and loving sovereign and
brother that it takes away a great part of her pain."
Before she was able to be moved, Suffolk again urged
his cause on Wolsey, telling Pace of the most faithful
love and servitude he intended to use towards the
Cardinal's Grace during his life, and Wolsey evidently
wrote to him a letter of comfort, promising to help
him 2 " to obtain his purpose to his reasonable desires."
In October Mary, now quite recovered from her ague,
was again in her element, for a brilliant party of French
nobles came over for the signing of the general peace,
against which was put the delivery to the French of
Tournay, and for the marriage of the Princess Mary
to the Dauphin of France. They were a constant
pageant to the Londoners, for they changed their silken
clothes, "the new fashion garment called a shemew," 3
every day, and rode about the city on mules in com-
panies, a thing no Englishman ever did. But then in
Paris, the city of horses and mules, the mud and dirt
was such that no man could walk, and the Parisians

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4134. 2 Ibid.

3 Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 594.

234 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

did not make their river their highway as did the
people of London. Mary's old friend Bonnivet was
at the head of the embassy, and with him " many
young fresh gallants of the Court of France,"
who were not concerned in the treaty-making, but
" danced and passed the time in the Queen's chamber
with ladies and gentlewomen." On October 3 the
general peace was declared in St Paul's, after Mass
celebrated by Wolsey with extraordinary magnificence.
The King invited the whole company to dine at the
Bishop of London's house, and afterwards they all went
to sup with the Cardinal at Durham House 1 on the
Strand, where was served a supper " the like of which
was never given either by Cleopatra or Caligula, the
whole banquetting hall being so decorated with huge
vases of gold and silver that I [the Venetian Ambassador]
fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes, where the
monarch caused divine honour to be paid to him."
Then Henry and Mary, and Suffolk and Anne Carew,
and Bessie Blount and Sir Harry Guildford, with other
lords and ladies, appeared as mummers dancing, and
" after performing certain dances in their own fashion,
they took off their visors : the two leaders were the
King and Queen-dowager of France, and all the others
were lords and ladies, who seated themselves apart from
the tables and were served with countless dishes of
confections and delicacies." Then dancing began for
those who liked, and play for those who preferred that y
" large bowls filled with ducats and dice being placed
on the table for such as liked to gamble," and after all
the company had departed Henry remained to play
high with the Frenchmen. Two days after followed

» L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4481.

AFTERWARDS 235

the wedding of the little Princess to the Dauphin at
Greenwich, when in front of Katharine and the French
Queen, beside the throne, stood the baby who never
cried, clad in cloth of gold, with a cap of black velvet
on her head adorned with many jewels. She wanted
to kiss Bonnivet, for she thought he was the Dauphin
when he wedded her for the other baby with a little
ring set with a big diamond, juxta digitum puellce.

The Court was now gayer than ever, for Henry
seemed to do nothing but amuse with pageants and
hunts the French hostages exacted for the keeping of
the peace, and Mary took her part in all. She passed
the winter months of 1519-20 at Court or at her hus-
band's house in Southwark, and now the talk was all
of the meeting of the English and the French kings.
Henry had set his mind on it, had sworn he would wear
his beard till they met, and Katharine, usually a silent
spectator of political doings, had set hers on a meeting
with her nephew Charles of Spain, now the Emperor
Charles V. She found she could not prevent the inter-
view with Francis, but she did persuade her husband,
and possibly Mary here joined her importunities to hers,
to shave his beard. The news was carried to Louise
de Savoie, who had to console herself with the reflection
that " the love of the kings was not in their beards but
in their hearts." A good understanding with Francis
meant to Mary an assured income, and on the question
of the interview she may have been at variance with
her sister-in-law. The Court moved to Croydon to
Sir Nicholas Carew's place, in February, and Mary
went with them, but here she was taken ill of her " old
disease," and would not let her husband from her side,
as he writes to Wolsey on March 16, 1520.

236 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

" Please it, your lordship, 1 so it is that I have know-
ledge of your pleasure by my servant Lacy that I
should ascertain your lordship of the number of such
persons, as well men as women, as should give their
attendance upon the French Queen at her giving her
attendance upon the King's Grace in his coming to
Calais. And also the number of the horses that should
be requisite for the said French Queen and for her
said servants. My lord, accordingly I have so avised
you in the bill here enclosed the number as well of the
said persons as of their horses. Wherefore the said
French Queen and I doth most heartily desire your
lordship to take the pain to order the same as you
shall think shall stand most with the King's pleasure
and her honour, and her Grace will be contented to
follow the same. And, my lord, whereas I of a certain
space have not given mine attendance upon your lord-
ship in the King's Council according to my duty, I
beseech your lordship to pardon me thereof. The cause
why hath been that the said French Queen hath had,
and yet hath, divers physicians with her for her old
disease in her side, and as yet can not be perfectly re-
stored to her health. And albeit I have been two times at
London only to the intent to have waited on your lord-
ship, yet her Grace at both times hath so sent for me
that I might not otherwise do but return home betimes.
Nevertheless her Grace is now in such good avancement
that upon Tuesday or Wednesday next coming I intend,
by God's grace, to wait upon your lordship. From
Croydon, by your assured Charlys Suffoke."

This recurrence of the " old disease " may have been

1 L. and P. H. VIII. iii. 684.

AFTERWARDS 237

brought on by the birth of her third child, Eleanor,
but there is no record of the date of this event. The
doctors were successful, or else the prospect of excite-
ment and gay doings worked a cure, for there is no
doubt she was restored to her usual frail health when
the meeting between the two kings was in near pre-
paration. Mary "made great cost on the apparel" of
her ladies and gentlewomen, and doubtless her own
gowns were as magnificent as befitted the sister of
Henry. But first Katharine was to have her desire^
and Mary was to see the man whose name she had
borne in her girlhood for six years. On his way back
from Spain to be crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, Charles V.
had arranged to meet Henry before the latter crossed
the Channel in May, but north-easterly winds kept him
at Corunna for three weeks, and he could only snatch a
hurried four days' visit to his aunt and uncle at Canter-
bury, ^where the English Court was on its way to Calais.
There is a legend to the effect that Mary's beauty on
this occasion so affected Charles that he was cast into
melancholy at the thought of having lost her as his
wife, but it is doubtful, to say the least, that he was
moved by anything deeper than natural curiosity to see
the woman who had jilted him in his youth. No doubt
Mary emulated her brother's attitude when he was told
that he had no chance of the imperial crown, for which
he had been Charles' rival, and said now, as he did
then, that she was better as she was. This pale-faced,
silent, sombre young man, busy about the realities of
government, was far less to her taste than her rubicund,
good-natured husband, her lord and servant, over whom
she could queen it in Tudor fashion when the occasion
served. The maker of the legend knew more of the

238 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

hearts of princesses than of emperors, and Mary, true
to her upbringing, wore, no doubt, the pretty gowns
she had had made for the meeting with the French
Court, and would have been gratified had she seen the
faintest desire in the eyes of her former suitor. It may
have been there, but it found no accredited chronicler.

On June 1 the whole Court crossed the Channel, and
four days afterwards rode from Calais to the camp at
Guisnes, where the sun glittered on golden tents and
roofs. There the King and Queen and Mary were lodged
in the house built for them in the courtyard of the castle
of Guisnes, under the roof painted and gilded by John
Brown, King's painter, afterwards Alderman of London.
Since the beginning of April Sir Nicholas Vaux and
others had been busy restoring the castle to its
former strength, and with the help of many artists,
particularly of John Raslett, Clement Urmeston, and
the said John Brown, had erected this palace of
pleasure. " Mr Maynn, 1 who dwelleth with the Bishop
of Exeter, and Maister Barklye, the Black Monke and
poet," were " to devise histoires and convenient raisons
to florisshe the buildings and banquet house with all,"
and the Duke of Suffolk 2 was asked to lend divers
of the King's arms and beasts cast in moulds, and
batons of Urmeston' s making for the greater ease and
furtherance of the business. The time for the erecting
of the house was short and the workmen laboured at
high pressure, but on June 5 it stood complete, a golden
casket for the best in England. The windows glittered
in golden mullions, the walls were hung with golden
tapestry and green and white silk, the ceilings were

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, iii. 737 ; Calig. D. vii. 202.

2 Ibid., iii. 750 ; Calig. D. vii. 218.

AFTERWARDS 239

studded " with the King's roses " * (of which he had been
so nearly disappointed by the late arrival of the artists),
large and stately, set in a ground of fine gold, and
between the windows were gilt bosses. The chapel, 2 for
the service of which the rich vestments given by
Henry VII. to Westminster were borrowed, had a
ceiling of blue and silver, but all other ornaments and
furnishings were of cloth of gold or of gold metal.
Jewels blazed everywhere, in vestments, vessels, hang-
ings ; neither was the red and white rose absent here.
In the courtyard, claret, hypocras, and water flowed all
day from a statue of Bacchus, and silver cups were
lying by to drink from ; but outside, between the gate
and the courtyard, was a quiet, green bowery maze
like " the garden of Morganna la F^e of the days of the
knights errant." 3 The Earl of Dorset had been sent
over to superintend the building of the lists and the
stands, galleries they were called, after Wolsey's " plat,"
but the churchman had to give way here to the j ouster,
and some of Wolsey's arrangements were declared to be
dangerous, and were altered accordingly. The tree of
honour, on which were to be huog the shields of the
kings as challengers, was a hawthorn twined with a rasp-
berry, and was made in England by nimble English fingers.
Margaret Davy and her girls made 3000 hawthorn flowers
and buds of silk, and the " framboser " had 1800 flowers
and 2400 red satin fruits. "The body of this royal
albypene or whitethorn was 22 feet long, wrapped in
cloth of gold : the thirteen principal frambosers were
also wrapped in fine green cloth of gold : also the roots

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 750 ; Calig. D. vii. 218.

2 Ibid., iii. 704.

3 Ibid., iii. 870 ; Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 605 et seq.

2 4 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

wrapped after a kind in cloth of gold." * Before this
wonderful production Francis and Henry had the usual
amicable dispute of precedence, and it ended in Henry's
insisting on the French King's shield being hung on the
right side, while his was hung at the same height on
the left.

Before the jousts began on Monday, June 11, there
were visits of ceremoDy, and on Sunday the 10th the
two kings exchanged visits to each other's wives, and
Francis was received in the most gracious manner
possible by Katharine and Mary, while Claude was
pleased and soothed by Henry's gentle manners. Francis
was delighted with the glistening show at G-uisnes, just
as Henry at Ardres was pleased with Queen, ladies (in
passing whom " il allait tout a son aise pour les voir a
son plaisir)," dinner, everything, in short, down to the
velvet carpet in the high room. Monday began the
lists, and the queens, all three, met in the glazed
galleries reserved for them and talked comfortably out
of the roaring wind, while below their husbands did
marvels, in spite of the blast, which would hardly let a
lance be couched. Many of the ladies had no French
and many no English, and those who knew both languages
had to interpret for the others. On the following
Sunday, Queen Mary dined with Queen Claude, who
was in miserable health, while Henry, who had ridden
over with her, dressed as Hercules, invited the Admiral
of France and other noblemen to share his table in the
French camp. After dinner there was the usual dancing
and disguising, and it is marvellous what pleasure the
Tudor Court got out of " dressing up." Now Henry
dressed up as a lanzknecht, and, masked, he swaggered

i L. and P. H. VIII., iii. p. 1553.

AFTERWARDS 241

into Claude's presence as pleased as a child. There
were musical rivalries too between the courts, but in
this England easily bore the palm, for Henry's Court
was notorious for its melody, and the Duke of Alencon
could not give the King greater pleasure than to promise
to send him his servant who played on the clavichord.
On Saturday, the 23rd, the two kings, " all clinquant, all
in gold," closed the lists, and in a semi-open chapel in
the camp they and their Queens attended Mass, and such
was their politeness that " when God was shown at the
said Mass, which was with great honour, reverence and
devotion," and the pax presented, neither would kiss
it first. It remained unkissed, for the Queens, too,
had the same difficulty, which they solved after many
curtseys by kissing each other instead. Then came a
dinner, and the sexes were divided — the Kings dined
in one gallery, the Queens in their own. " Kings and
Queens," remarks the chronicler, " always dined at
home before coming to the banquets, and only conversed
while admiring the service and the meats. The legates,
cardinals and prelates dined in another room and drank
and ate sans fiction." The next day the Kings met in
the lists and reluctantly said good-bye, exchanging many
presents, as did their Queens and nobles. A church,
they decided, must be built on this auspicious spot, to
be called " La chapelle de Notre Dame de la Paix," and
the chronicler adds a doubtful prayer, " Dieu par sa Grace
permette la paix etre durable, Amen." 1

Then followed the meeting with Charles V. and the
Lady Margaret of Savoy, and Mary saw for the first time
the woman whose fortune had so often touched hers, for
Margaret might have been her step-mother or her aunt,

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, iii. 870.
16

242 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

and had been in love with her husband. Suffolk seems
to have lost his love for France by now, and, indeed,
though French fashions were the order in the Court, and
Henry went to the interview with the Emperor in a
doublet and cloak given to him by Francis, the King's
retinue were more at their ease in the Court of the King
of Spain than they had been at Ardres. If servants'
talk is any indication of their masters' opinions, then
Suffolk must have been hot against the French alliance,
for his servants could "not hold their tongues from
speaking against France." x If this be so, Suffolk was
now definitely in opposition to Wolsey. The trial and
death of the Duke of Buckingham, undoubtedly Wolsey' s
work, for wanting to make himself King, shocked the
whole Court and increased this bitterness against the
Cardinal, long felt by the older nobles. Buckingham
had merely said what they all felt, that the King was
surrounded by boys and that no place was given to
men who had experience in counsel. But then Wolsey
had a policy, and hated time wasted in opposition, and
boys did not oppose. Henry was still a far cry from
his final attitude when he tried, condemned and
executed all in a breath, but even now the wrath of the
King meant death. All chose rather dishonour, and
Buckingham's peers to a man, and the Duke of Norfolk
with bitter tears, condemned him on puerile evidence
for a crime which in their hearts they had all com-
mitted. Buckingham was no favourite, a quick-tempered
man with a bitter tongue, and Mary would be loyal to
her family, and without doubt took her brother's view,
and approved heartily Suffolk's " I say that he is guilty,"
for she was indignant at this attempt to wrest the

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 926 ; Galba B. vi. 186.

AFTERWARDS 243

crown from her family, and no other aspect of the case
would be presented to her. Neither she nor her husband
disdained to profit in the grants * from the Duke's estates,
which followed his execution and their confiscation.

The peace between England and France was of short
duration, and by 1523 Henry was keenly interested in
! fishing for a crown in the waters of France troubled by
1 the Bourbon rebellion. One reason for war given in
the Parliament of 1523 2 was the injury done to the
King's sister, the Queen-dowager of France, in with-
holding her dower. Mary was parted from Suffolk,
who was made Earl Marshal and sent to command the
English army in France, which, in conjunction with
the Burgundians, was to march on Paris. Suffolk, by
refusing to follow Henry's senseless plan of besieging
Boulogne, and " by winning the passage of the Somme
and unresisted entry into the bowels of France," 3
encouraged the King to think there was likelihood
of his obtaining his ancient right. But there was the
usual difficulty of joint arms, and the Burgundians,
unpaid by Margaret, refused to go beyond the Somme,
" limoners " 4 (transport horses) were unobtainable in
the winter, and there were no provisions, so that the
army " dissolved and skaled," and Suffolk came to
Calais in December with small thanks. 5 He was
kept waiting there a long time with his captains " till
their friends had sued to the King for their return,"
for Wolsey and the King had both wrung the utter-
most penny from the country and the King's treasury
to win the crown of France, and bitter was Henry's

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 3162. 2 Ibid., iii. 2958.

3 Ibid., iii. 3485 ; Galba B. viii. 87. 4 Ibid., iv. 26.

* Rid., iii. 3623 ; Add. MS. 24,965, f. 131.

244 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

disappointment. " But at the last all things were
taken in good part, and they well received and in
great love, favor and familiaritie with the Kyng." *

The life of Queen Mary when not at Court or at
her husband's house in Southwark was spent chiefly
in Suffolk and Norfolk, for when provisions at West-
horpe, their chief seat, gave out, she toured through
the counties from house to house and from abbey to
abbey, in imitation of the royal custom. Pic-nics and
hunting parties were her diversions, and she evidently
delighted in the kindly and courteous treatment she
always received from the monks. 2 Her household was
a large one; in 1527 it consisted of two knights and
one esquire, forty men, and seven gentlewomen, 3 and
this naturally did not include domestic servants. She
had her chamberlain, her vice-chamberlain, treasurer,
steward, and comptroller, while her husband had his
officers and his council, and ruled county affairs. Mary
was beloved by the country-folk and adored by her
servants, in whose welfare she took the keenest interest,
as is attested by the numerous letters written by her
to Wolsey and others in their favour. She was not
without domestic troubles, for her husband's former
wife, Dame Margaret Mortimer, 4 who owned Somerton
in Suffolk, had had to appeal to the Duke for protection
against her daughter Anne, whose second husband,
Robert Browne, wanted to get hold of Lady Mortimer's
possessions. The affair, which in some scenes was
melodramatic enough, possibly led to questions about

1 Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 672.

2 Chron. Butley Abbey, Tanner MS. 90, ff. 29-33, Bodleian Library,
quoted by Mrs Green.

3 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 2972. 4 Hid., iv. 736-7.

AFTERWARDS 245

the validity of Mary's own marriage and the legitimacy
of her children. This was in 1524, and next year the
King openly acknowledged his illegitimate son by
Mistress Bessie Blount, and made him premier Duke
in the kiugdom, with the title of Duke of Richmond.
At the same time he created Lord Henry Brandon,
Mary's son, Earl of Lincoln. 1 Then came the " King's
secret matter," to which her husband was privy, in
the summer of 1527, 2 and of which she was probably
not ignorant. This was Henry's tardy consciousness
of guilt at having married his brother's wife, which
increased in intensity as his love and desire for Anne
Boleyn grew stronger. What large issues were to
hang on the fact that Anne was not as easy as the
other ladies at Court. Had she but been a Bessie
Blount ! Mary was alarmed at this upsetment of
all social status, and sent to Rome for a bull from
Clement VII. to attest the legitimacy of her children's
birth. It was exhibited before the Bishop of Norwich
by Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's cousin, on August
20, 1529. 3 Scruples of conscience being fashionable,
it rests on these the facts of the annulling of Suffolk's
marriage with Lady Mortimer and his resumption of
Anne Browne. Money matters, too, were a constant
worry all her life long. Apart from the fact that
payment to Mary might flow in peace and was
dammed in war, the officials who farmed her
dower lands in Saintonge and elsewhere did not
pay over the proceeds as had been arranged, and
she was continually hampered by lack of money,
while her representatives in France during the wars

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1431 (8) ; Add. MS. 6113, f. 61, B.M.

2 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 3217. 3 Ibid., iv. 5859.

246 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

were imprisoned and put to ransom. 1 When the
general peace was signed with France in 1518 Wolsey
did not forget Mary's interests ; in fact, he was not
allowed to do so, for Dr Denton, the French Queen's
almoner, daily waited on him to represent her interests.
Once before they had been omitted "for lack of her
book," 2 and Denton was there to see that this did not
happen again. Wolsey gave him all heed in the
matter, and the dot was set forth by the English
ambassadors in Paris. In 1525 the capture of Francis
at Pavia left France without a king, and gave the
English a chance to open profitable negotiations with
Louise de Savoie, 3 the Regent. The restitution of
Mary's dowry, with payment of arrears, was made a
necessary article in the truce. Wolsey even went the
length of demanding the gold plate and jewels, but
Louise was indignant, and repeated what had been so
often said, that Mary had been married according to
the customs of France, by which movables were the
common property of man and wife, and descend to the
survivor, but only on payment of debts, and Mary had
repudiated her responsibility for these. Also " the
miroir," the most excellent jewel in Christendom, had
been sent to England, and the English might well be
satisfied with this. However, Louise gave a satisfactory
promise that Mary's dowry should be paid at Calais
twice yearly in May and November, and that arrears
should be paid up at the rate of £5000 per annum.
There was a good deal of haggling about who should
farm the dower lands ; the French Court wanted to
appoint the officers, but Mary demanded the right to

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 2446 and 3535.

2 Ibid., ii. 4388. 3 Ibid., iv. 1093.

AFTERWARDS 247

do this, and it was conceded. She wrote to Wolsey on
the matter, and, if words mean anything, the letter
shows the kindly terms on which she was with the
Cardinal.

"My lord, 1 in my most hearty wise I recommend
me unto you. So it is divers of my rights and duties
concerning my dot in France have been of late time
stent and restrained, in such case as I ne mine affairs
may not have ne receive the same as they have done
in times past being to my damages therein. And so
thereat great trouble many ways, as my trusty servant
George Hampton, this bearer, shall shew unto you, to
whom I pray you to give credence in the same. And
my lord in this and in all others I evermore have and
do put mine only trust and confidence in you for the
redress of the same. Entirely desiring you therefore
that I may have the King's Grace's, my dearest brother's,
letters unto France to such as my said servant shall
desire. And by the same I trust my said causes shall
be brought to such good conclusion and order now, that
I shall from henceforth enjoy my estate there in as
ample use as I have heretofore. And so it may stand
with your pleasure, I would gladly my dearest brother's
ambassadors being in France now, by your good means
should have the delivery of the said letters with them,
furthermore of the contents of the same to that they
may do. And thus my lord I am evermore bold to put
you to pains without any recompense unless my good
mind and hearty prayers, whereof ye shall be assured
during my life to the best of my power, as knoweth the
Lord."

Suffolk's letter a month later is just as friendly. He

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1542.

248 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

says, " The said French Queen and I do not only put this
matter in your hands, but at all times hereafter shall do
in the same as shall be thought good by your Grace, as
we be bounden to do, seeing the great kindness that
your Grace doth daily shew unto the said French
Queen and me by the which you bind us during our life
to do your Grace such pleasures as shall lie in our
powers." 1 For the last few years of her life Mary's
income was paid regularly, thanks largely to Wolsey,
to whom she and her husband had cause to be grateful,
as they both said.

But the Cardinal was upsetting the old order, and
life in the county of Suffolk was not as pleasant as it
had been. The people had banded and murmured
against the subsidies for the French war. The master
cloth- workers (Suffolk was the centre of the woollen
trade) said if they paid the King they could not pay
their hands ; the work-folk said, No work, no paying of
the subsidy ; and they rioted. Suffolk, aided by the
new Duke of Norfolk, no friend of his or of Wolsey's
either, had to put down the insurrection. Then Wolsey
was suppressing some of the smaller monasteries and
founding Ipswich College. Some of Mary's friends
among the clergy were suffering, notably the Abbot
of St Benets, 2 and she and her husband had to relinquish
to the use of the new college their title deeds to the
Priory of Snape, of Sayes Court (Deptford), and of
Bickling. There were changes all round and Wolsey
was blamed for all. Still, it seems almost incredible
that the Duke who wrote so gratefully to the Cardinal
in 1525 should be using in 1528 or earlier every art to
poison the King's mind against him. Suffolk had the
1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1543. 2 Ibid., iv. 3772.

AFTERWARDS 249

reputation of being grasping and avaricious, he never
dropped a noble unless he took up a royal for it, and
his gratitude and his dislike were perhaps both rooted
in his pocket. The disaster of the divorce wrecked
the frail ship of Tudor court morality. All through
the year's struggle with Wolsey [1528-9] Suffolk sang
treble to Norfolk's bass, and it was his iu corrigible
courtier habits which tuned his voice so harmoniously
to Howard's, for the burden of their song was that the
King's matrimonial wishes were being secretly frustrated
by Wolsey. The Dukes used Mistress Anne, as she
was generally called, as a lever to hoist their enemy
out of office, and when Suffolk was sent on an embassy
to France to prevent any rapprochement between
Francis and Charles V. which would have heartened
the Pope into refusing point blank a bull of divorce,
the report was that by his conversations he had put
Wolsey out of favour with the French King. Mary
did not exile herself entirely from her brother's Court,
where his mistress ruled, and a bastard took precedence
of all nobles, and where her niece was disregarded, but
one would like to think that she did not second her
husband in his hunting of the Cardinal. However,
there is no evidence one way or the other.

Once the great man down, and the seals of office in
the hands of Norfolk, with Suffolk as his lieutenant,
the heinousness of the proceedings against Queen
Katharine struck both Dukes, and they agreed that
"the time was come when all the world should strive
to dismount the King from his folly." Suffolk with-
stood Henry at least once to his face, and he summed
up the situation "in two words and said that the
Queen was ready to obey him [Henry] in all matters,

2 5 o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

but there were two that she must first obey. The
King, thinking he meant the Pope and your Majesty
[Charles V.], inquired immediately who these two were.
He replied that God was the first and her conscience
the other, which she would not destroy for him or for
any other." * Henry turned away and made no answer.
The same writer, Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador,
said that " Suffolk and his wife if they dared would
offer all possible resistance to this marriage," and in an
age when the Archbishop of Canterbury refused to give
Queen Katharine advice because, he said, " ira principis
mors est" how can one blame the Suffolks for not
daring ? Mary was beloved by the Londoners, 2 who
were heart and soul for Katharine, and her well-known
sympathy with her sister-in-law and her niece is attested
by that ridiculous figure which appeared in Lincoln-
shire after her death claiming to be the Princess Mary,
and retailing conversations with her aunt the French
Queen. 3

Mary's health had for long been far from good.
This mysterious and recurring disease in her side con-
stantly demanded physicians, with which the Court
swarmed, for Henry was a great drug-master. In one
letter [undated] she implores the King's permission to
come up to consult his physician, Master Peter, than
whom no other in her opinion can give her relief,
and her husband seconds her request in a letter in
which he says she sits and weeps all day long, and is
generally very ill as anyone can see. But here again
the searcher draws a blank. There is no information,
and one is suddenly confronted with a line in a letter

1 L. and P. H. VIII., v. 287. 2 Ibid., vi. 723.

8 iW&,vi. 1193.

AFTERWARDS 251

of Chapuys' to his master, "the Duchess of Suffolk, late
Queen of France, is dead," and he adds, touching the
keynote to Mary's claim to publicity in her later life,
"by which the French King will gain 30,000 crowns
a year of dower." She died on Midsummer's Day >
says Hall ; on June 26, says the Heralds' College, at
Westhorpe in Suffolk.

Her funeral was deferred for nearly a month to allow
time for the representatives of France to be present,
and finally took place at Bury St Edmunds on Tuesday,
July 21. The strange thing about it is that not Mary's
husband, nor her son the Earl of Lincoln, but her eldest
daughter, Lady Frances, was the chief mourner, followed
by her second daughter, Lady Eleanor, and, in fact, the
cortege was chiefly made up of ladies. The abbey was
draped in black, and, after the coffin had been lowered,
the chief officers of her household brake their staves of
office, and, weeping, cast them into the grave, and the
French herald cried aloud, "Pray for the soul of the
right high excellent princess and right Christian Queen,
Mary, late French Queen, and for all Christian souls."
Then they left her lying under the device which had
blazed so gloriously in Abbeville and in Paris,

LA VOLONTfi DE DIEU ME SUFFIT.

APPENDIX

I. Papers relating to the preparations for the marriage
of Princess Mary to the Prince of Castile at Calais in
May 1514.

i [Cotton MSS. Vitellius, xi. 150.]
The margins are burnt.

For the transporting of Lady Mary, princesse of
Castell.

First it may please the King's grace to name some
honorable aged person to be her chamberlayne for the
tyme. And he to devise for thapparell of her chamber
and for officers of the same.

Item to Appoint some sadde personne to be tresourer
of her chamber for the tyme. And that he devise plate
for her chamber, coubbord and Ewry.
[ ]r Edmund. Item to Appointe an almosyner and confessor both in
one persone, certayne chaplayns and a clerk of the closet.
And the same clerke to devise the ornaments and other
stuffe necessarie for her chapell.
[ ] Jernyng- Item to Appointe a master of her horse. And he to
provyde palfrais, litters, Sadils, and Apparell for the said
palfrais.
My lady of Ox- Item that it may please the qwenis grace to name
some honorable personage to be her Lady Maistres.

Item to Appoint certayn other Ladies the whiche
with thear attendaunce gevyng uppon the said Ladie
Maistres. And by her advise have the charge to devise
for thapparell of her person.

Item to Appoint other Ladies and Gentil women wherof
some to Attende and some to serve in the Chamber of the

253

254 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

said princess and some to contynue in her service in
flaundres.

Wardrobe of Beds.

ii [Ibid., 145.]

The margins are burnt.

Hereafter ensuyth such stuff as is nede [burnt] be
provided for my ladie the princesse of [Castell] and
aswell for her wardrop of beddes as [for] her stable
against the solempnization of her marriage.

[The words enclosed and in italics have been sub-
stituted for others in a hand which seems to be
Wolsey's.]

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with cloth of

gold (with a border imbrodred with her bagies or any other

devi[se]).

All these pieces Item for the said chamber a large trussing bedde with

of the Kyngs* celour tester and counterpoint of [the fine] cloth of golde,

wardrobe or in w i t h Curtaynes of Damaske.

default therof J

in london [in Item a chayar of cloth of gold.

hancnj. 8 Item iiij longe and large carpetts to cover the floure of

the same chamber.

Item v cussions of cloth of golde (1 rycher then the
other) iii long and ii shorte.

Item smale carpetts for windowes, borde and cobords
(v) at the lest (of velvet of cramosyne) and as many carpetts
of wolle for every day.

Item a fethyr bedde of fine doune with a bolster, ij
pillows, (v) smale pillowes for to take the say [i.e. for
crossing the sea] and for every of them iij pilowe beers
off fyne holland cloth.

Item iiij pair of fyne shets and ij pair of fustians for
the said trussing bedde.

Item a palet bedde (of feddars) with bolster furnisshed
with shets (iii payr) fustians (ii payre) and counterpoint
(ii) for the gentelwomen that shall lie in the said
chamber.

APPENDIX 255

For the secound chamber.
[The> must be First a riche story of Aras gold & silver (of iiij yards
Kundrea! ^ depe) with a border of her armys and bagies for a remem-
[ ]flemesse braunce (ofijfote depe paid- [?] the flemysshe elne xv.s.).

Item a large sparver of cloth of golde (with the same
L 1 or er. s t or y e grevyne in toto of cramosyn velvet pourpale, the velvet
embrodred with her bagies and other devise) with a counter-
point of the same, the curteyns of the same sparver to be
of (double [[sarsene]t ?] pourpale with the colors that the cloth
of golde and velvet hath).

Item a Chaiar of cloth of golde for the same chamber
with v cossions of cloth of golde iij longe and ij shorte.

Item a fether bedde of fyne doune with a bolster and
ij pillowes with shetis, fustians and pillowebeers as is
appointed for the trussing bedde.

Item a longe and large carpet for the borde (under the
fete) and iiij for wyndowes carpetts.
[Item a traverse of cramosyn sarsenet.]

For the iij de Chamber.

First a hanginge of (fyne tapessarye) with bagies and
armys [burnt] in the border (of vi flemysshe elnes in toto).

Item a bedde of astate with a counterpoint of (riche
velvet and cloth of golde of her colors purpale).

Item a chaiar of cloth (of cramosyne velvet embrodred)
and v cussions of the same.

Item a large fedder bedde with a bolster for the said
bedde of astate.

Item a large and a longe carpet and iiij smale carpetts
for the said chamber.

Item ij cloths of astate the oon richer then the other
of cloth of gold.

The iiij th Chamber.

First a story of good and fyne Tapettry for to hange
the same chamber with a border of her armys and bagies
(of vi elnes with the border [ ] iiij ft.).

256 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

=

Item viii paillat (1 fedder) bedds, every of they
stuffed, with bolster, fustians, counterpoint and iij pair
of shets for every paillat.

Item a stole covered with crymsyne velvet, nay lied
with gilt naills and a smale canape with curteyns of
crymsyne double sarcenet to hange a bowte the same
stole.

Item a basyn for the said stole of silver.

Item ij or iij large carpetts and vij smale carpetts in
store to serve alwaies when nede is.

Item as many pieces of fyne border or tapicerie worke
as will serve for hanging of ij or iij chambers when she
rides by the waye (or ellys [or else] the same that she hath
if it he thought holl and well colored and honest).

Item a trussing bedde to carry with her by the waye
with celor, testor and counterpoint of velvet or of damaske
purpale of her colors, with bedd, bolster, pillowes,
fustians, shets and other necessaries there for.

Item ij cofres for her juels.

Item iij cofres for her plate.

Item iij large cofres for the wardrobe for bedds, shetis
and fustians.

Item iiij cloth sackes at the lest and cases for [the]
trussing bedde.

For the Stables.

First a Eiche litter of cloth of golde lyned with satan
or Damaske with iiij cussions of the same cloth of golde :
with horse harness for the same.

Item a charriot for herre or her principall ladies
covered with cloth of golde with iiij cussions of the
same ; and the horse harnais in likewise.

Item ij other charriots for ladies or gentilwomen
covered with crymsyne velvet and for every charriot iiij
cossions of the same. And the horse harnais in like
wise.

Item a large and a goodlie palfray to be ledde in hande
with a sadill and pillion covered with riche clothe of

APPENDIX 257

golde, the bordres richelie Imbrodred orels [or else] of
goldsmyth worke harnes of the same.

Item a nother goodlie palfray with a like riche side
sadill for the said Ladie princesse to Kide alone the
harneis like.

Item viii other palfrais to folowe her with side sadils
richelie covered with cloth of gold orels Imbrodred upon
velvet with harnes of the same.

Item iij or iiij fotemen with riche cots of goldsmyths
worke to goo a boute her litter or a boute her palfray.

Item a pase to lifte her uppon her palfray covered
with silver plate gilt as the qwene is grace is.

Item a chaunge for the said palfrais, that is to say
aswell pilions, sadils and harneis, and also coverings for
the said litter and chariotts to cover theym when it is
foule wedder, and a change of harneis for every of the
horses of the said litter and Ladies chariotts.

Item a closed carre for her wardrobe of the robes and
ij chariotts for the wardrobe of the robes, ij Large
cannavas and ij borehidis for the said chariotts to save
the stuf drie.

Item a bottell horse and sadell for her flagons.

Item a sompter horse for her trussing bedde.

Item a nother for her cofres.

Item a male horse.

Item a nother horse for the grome of the sta[ble].

Item the said palfrais to be provided for betymes and
in likewise horsis for the litter, the Ladies chariotts and
for all other cariags before specified.

ii For themperours logienge.

First his bed chamber to be hanged with cloth off golde
and a trussing bedde with testor and celor and counter-
point of riche cloth of golde, the curteyns with damaske.
With all other necessaries ther to belonging.

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and v cussions of the
same for the said chamber.

258 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Item for the borde, cubbourd and windowes carpetts
of the same or of velvet.

Item iij fyne carpetts to lye on the flowre or a boute
his bedde.

Item a pailot bedde furnisshed for theym that be in
his chamber.

The secounde chamber.

First the secounde chamber to be hanged with riche
Aras of golde and silke.

Item a bedde with a sparver and counterpoint of cloth
of golde, the curteyns of double sarcenet.

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and cussions off the
same for the said chamber and window[es] a greate
carpett for the floure and smale carpet[ts] for the bourde,
cubborde and windows of velvet or of wolle and a cloth
of astate of cloth of gold.

The iii de chamber.

The iii de chamber to be hanged with fyne tapestry with
carpetts upon the cubbord and windowes and cussions of
velvet if nede be.

Item a chamber hanged and well dressed for his cham-
berlayne.

The Prince of Castill.

For the prince of Castill in like forme as the Emperour
excepte the prince to have the hall well hanged and
appointed and also the chapell.

For my Lady Margarete Archeduchess of Austriche.

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras.
The seconde chamber also. The iii de of fyne tapestry, a
large trussing bedde of cloth of gold, the curteyns of
damaske: a chaiar of cloth of golde and iij cussions
of the same. Carpetts about her bedde of wolle and
upon the cubborda and windowes of velvet.

APPENDIX

The secounde chamber,

259

In the secounde chamber a bedde with a sparver &
counterpoint of cloth of goulde & velvet purpale :
curteyns of double sarcenet, with all that belongeth
thereto. A cloth of a state of cloth of goulde. A large
carpet in the floure. A chaier covered with crymsyn
velvet and cussions of the same for the said chaiar.
Windowes carpetts for the bords and windowes of velvet
or of wollen.

Item a chamber to be hanged and dressed for her
chamberlayne.

Item to have in store paillet bedds furnished for
every chamber wher beddes be, and v or vi besids
them for every of the said logiengs of themperour,
prince and Archeduchesse.

The Kyngs logieng.

Item for the Kings lodegeing iiij chambers at the lest,
to be hanged and well appointed. And a chapell if nede be.

Themperour to be lodgied where the last deputie
dwelled in Calais.

The prince in the staple house.

My Ladie Margaret Archeduches in the Tresourer's
house.

The King's grace in the castell.

[Ibid., 145. The margins are burnt.]

iii My Lady the Princesse of Castell.

First a Cronell for her head of golde & stone in the day
•of her mariage.

Item a goodlie devise for her neke set with stone and
perle.

Item a goodlie gurdill of golde of as goodlie facion as
may bee devised.

Item ii braseletts of golde set with stone and perle.

2 6o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Item on the nexte day for her change a Eiche Juell of

golde with a cheyne of golde for her nekke.
Item a goodlie gurdill of golde.

Item a goodlie Crosse gilte poisaunt . iiij" unc.

Tobeprovydyd Item vi Imags [images] gilte poisaunt . lx oz.

in aun ns. j£ em jj chalises gilte poisaunt both to gedders iiij* 1 oz.

Item ii goodlie candilstiks gilte poisaunt . cxx oz.

Item iiij Cruetts gilte poisaunt all to gedders lx oz.

Item ii Basens of her owne poisaunt to

gedders .... cxx oz.

To be newly Item a haliwaterstok gilte poisaunt . lvii oz.

made here.

To be new Item a boll of silver and gilte poisant . xii oz.

made here.

Item ij goodlie Cuppes of golde the one
garnyshyd with why[te] herts [?] the
other with rosys.

Item one other cup of gold with portculles
and a rose on the top garnyshyd with
gold .....

Item ij faire large potts well wrought either

of theym weying cc oz.
Item ij goodlie flagons gilte well wrought
either of theym weying cc oz.
of] hyr owne. Item ij lesse potts gilte poisaunte .
hyr owne Item ij potts of alesse sorte poisaunt

stuff.

Thre to be new Item xij bollis with ij covers well wrought

[mlade and

thre of hyr poisaunt ....

w7ththe d ° ne Item a P air of fla £ ons ( of frenche plate)

[cover]. poisaunt ....

Of the King's Item ij standing Cuppes gilte poisaunt

To be new Item iij Cuppes of Assey gilte poisaunt

made.

Of her owne. Item a whyte potte for bere poisaunt
to be made of Item a greate water potte .

XXX oz.

iiij c unc.

iiij oz.

iij c unc.

cxx oz.

iiij c oz.

xl oz.

iiij xx uncs.

1 unc.

iiij xx unc.

cxx oz.

newe.

of hyr owne. Item a spone of golde poisaunt . . ij unc.

of hyr owne Item ij goodlie salts of golde garnysshyd

with one cover poisaunt . . lx oz.

APPENDIX

261

to be pro-
vydyd.
to be pro-
Tydyd.
one of hyr
owne and two
tobeprovydyd.
of the Kyng's

of the Kyng's

owne stuff.

of the frenche

plate.

to be made.

Item xij spones gilte poisaunt . . xviij oz.

Item a pair of kerving knyves gilt

Item iij salts without covers poisaunt . iiij" oz.

Item a pair of goodlie Basins gilte of a

goodlie facion poisaunt . . iij oz.

Item iij Basins and iij Ewers poisaunt each

Basin iiij!* oz. poisaunt each Ewer x loz. ijxl oz.

Item a greate Ewer for to warme water

poisaunt . . . . c oz.

to be bowgth .
of A. ys plate

fltem v spice plats with two covers gilte

poisaunt . . . . v c oz.

Item xii pecs of spice plats parcell gilte

for powder, soketts and peris poisaunt ii c [burnt]

^Iteni a ginger potte and a forke poisaunt . xxx [burnt]

to be pro-
vydyd.

of her owne
thre and ij to
be provydyd.

to be pro-
vydyd.

Item v candilstiks gilte of a goodlie facion

poisaunt . . . . cc oz.

Item v candilstiks parcell gilte poisaunt . viij xx oz.

Item a weyving stole to be platted with

silver.
Item a little pirling while [wheel].
Item a pair of billetts with a port a pynne

and two mortues to the same.
Item a faire coffer of silver to lay in her

Juellis.
^Item A Meror or glasse golde poisaunt

of the Kyng's j^em a l e yer for lie poisaunt

owne plate. ^ *

to be pro- I tem a ^ ie casse g^te poisaunt

vydyd.

rltem vi potts parcell gilte poisaunt a pece

of the Kyng's I 1 oz. .....

litem xii bollis parcell gilte poisaunt
to be pro- Item an almessdisshe poisaunt

vydyd.

to be pro- Item a rownde Basyn for the Chamber
vydyd ' poisaunt ....

vi oz.
lx oz.
xx oz.

ccc oz.
ccc oz.
cc. oz.

xl oz.

262 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

of the Kyng's item ij garnysshe of silver vessells poisaunt iij 1 iij 1 oz.
of the frenche Item one chaffingdisshe poisaunt . . lx oz.

plate.

II. Inventory of the trousseau furnished for the Princess
Mary on her marriage with Louis xii. There are four
manuscripts, two of which are fragments.

i. Transcripts : Foreign Countries : France vol. v.
Public Kecord Office.
Endorsed :

(a) Archives du Eoyaume. Tresor des chartes.

T. 650. 11. Inventaire des meubles de la
chapelle Eobbes et Vetemens fournis par le
Eoi dAngleterre pour sa soeur Marie Femme
de Louis xii.

This has been collated with a fragment of
the original copy given to the master of the
English wardrobe. MSS Cotton. Vitellius
xi. 158, British Museum.

(b) Archives du Eoyaume. Tresor des chartes.

T. 650. 11. Inventaire des chevaux haquenees
et haubins, litiere et chariots, &c. fournis par
le Eoi dAngleterre pour sa sceur Marie
Femme de Louis xii.

(a) Cy apres sensuyvent les meubles de la chapelle
habillemens qui sont robes coctes habillemens
de teste manches et aussi litz cielz doucielz
cote-pointes Linges cossins et autres utencilles
pareillement tapisseries tapez veluz et autres
choses le tout delivre et mis es mains du tres
xtien Eoy Loys de France xii e de ce nom. En
la presence, de Messrs Thomas Bohier, Jacques
de Beaune et Henry Bohier chevalliers et
conseiller dv dit Seigneur Eoy Loys de France
et generaulx de ses finances par Mess. Andre
de Windesore chevallier conseiller et maistre de
la grant garde Eobe du tres excellent et tres
puissant prince Henry Eoy dAngleterre et de

APPENDIX

263

France huit me de ce nom. Les dits meubles
utencilles et autres choses donnees ordonnes et
establyes par le dit Roy dAngleterre et de
France a tres haulte et tres excellente princesse
Madame Marie a present Eoyne de France sa
sceur pour le service et usage de son corps et
autres usaiges et services. Ce present inventaire
fait en la ville dAbbeville le xj et xij jours
doctobre Ian mil cinq cens et quatorze. Du
quel inventaire ont este faiz et arretez deux
rolles lung signe par le maistre de la grant garde
robe lequel doit demeurer es mains du dit Roy
Loys de France et lautre inventaire signe par les
dits generaulx doit demeurer es mains de dit Eoy
dAngleterre et de France et ont les dites
Holies este endentelez par le hault pour les
adjointer et recognoistre quant besoign sera et
que le cas les requerra pour lung & pour
lautre des dits deux Roys.

Et premierement pour la chapelle.

Tapisserie.
Andrew de Wyndesore. Andrew de Wyndesore.

Premierement quatre pieces de tappisserie pour tendre
la chapelle qui sont de Damas blancs et cramoisy chacune
tappisserie de largeur de six damas doublez de bougran
vert.

Item ung travers de taffetas et de sept longeurs de
taffetas.

Item deux paremens dautel mespartez de damas blanc
et damas cramoisy a fleurs dor de baudequyn [riche drap
de sole : Godefroy].

Autres deux paremens dautel pour le hault et pour le
bas de drap dor tissu mespartez dont lun este figure de
cramoisy et lautre de jaune.

Item ung autre pour le hault et pour le bas de velours
bleu et cramoisy mes partyz.

26 4 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Convertures. Item une converture dautel de drap imperial de

baudequyn.
Messais. Item ung messal.

Sr^rlSix Item trois estuitz a cor P° r eaulx et deux corporaulx de

drap dor tissu sur cramoisy.
Chaaubies. Item une chasuble de drap dor tissu de pourpre avec

la croix dicelle dorfroys borde de perles et autres choses
complectes.

Item une autre chasuble de drap daras bordee de velours
bleu complecte.

Item une autre chasuble de velours pourpre avec une
croix de drap dor figure de blanc complecte.
Toaiiiesdautei. Item quatre toailles dautel dyapres [d'Ypres].

Item une toaille pour nectoyer les mains.
SSSSb? Item un S de drap dor bleu tyssu.

Item ung autre de drap dor cramoisy tyssu.
Item ung autre de drap de velours cramoisy.
Item ung autre de drap de velours bleu.
roSKfTta les Item une robb e de velour couleur de pourpre doublee
mode de drap dor jaune sur satin.

Francoiae. T x -,,

item une robbe de drap dor garnie de damas de baude-
quyn fourree dermynes.

Item une robbe de drap dargent a louvrage de damas
doublee de velours cramoisy broche dor.

Item une robbe de drap dor figure en sorte de damas
fourree de pampelyon.

Item une autre robbe de drap dor de damas cramoisy
a louvrage dytalia [d'ltalie] fourree de mynks.

Item une robbe de drap dor tissu sur pourpre fourree
de sables.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy doublee de drap dor
de damas sur vert.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor a facon
et ouvrage de yeulx doyseaulx doublee de velours sur
velours de pourpre et broche dor.

Item une robbe de velours cramoisy doublee de drap
dor de damas cramoisy en facon deschiquier.

Item une robbe de velours noir doublee dermynes.

APPENDIX 265

Item une robbe de Satin pourpre doublee de drap dor
de damas sur pourpre.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor de
baudequyn fourree de Komaine [sic].

Item une robbe de Satin gris broche dor en facon
dyeulx doiseaulx double de velours cramoisy.

Item une robbe de velours jaune doublee de Eomaine.

Item une robbe de velours jaune fourree de peaulx de
conilz noirs.
Sensuyvent les Item une cotte de satin gris broche dor a yeulx

cottes a la ° J

facon doiseaulx.

Item une cotte de drap dor sur pourpre a facon de
camelot.

Item une autre de Satin cramoisy.

Item une autre cotte de drap dor blanc frise figure de
blanc.

Item une cotte de drap dargent de Venise de
baudequyn.

Item une cotte de Satin broche dor sur or couleur de
vert et dyeulx doiseaulx.

Item une cotte de drap dor de damas cramoisy de
baudequyn.

Item plus sept paires de manches sortables aux dites
cottes.
Sensuyvent les Hem une robbe de satin Cramoisy bordee de drap

robbes a la J , r

mode dargent de damas doublee de taffetas noir.

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent de baude-
quyn fourree de bougys [lamb].

Item une robbe de Satin broche de cramoisy sur or a
la nouvelle facon bordee de velours et doublee de taffetas
noir.
l^dke^obbV * tem un roDDe de velours noir bordee de Satin noir
» este veue. doublee de taffetas noir.
La Royne la [Blank in original.]

damee a L o j

Mestresse

Item une robbe de velours noir doublee de martres.
Item une robbe de velours noir bourdee de mynks et
fourree de calabre.

266 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Item une robbe de velours jaune bordee de drap dor
figure de blanc et doublee de taffetas.

Item une robbe de drap dor figure a figures et tissue
de blanc fourree dermynes.

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent bordee dor
et doublee de taffetas blanc.
Sensuyvent les Item une cotte dargent en facon de camelot en borde
facon de velours cramoisy.

dAngleterre. j tem une coUe de g atin yert bor( j ee de drap dor#

Item une cotte de Satin noir tissu sur or bordee de

velours cramoisy.

La Royne la : Item une cotte de satin cramoisy bordee de drap dor.

este veue sur Item une cotte de satin pourpre bordee de drap dor.

son corps. j tem une cotte ^ Q ga ^ n ^ anc bordee de velours

cramoisy.
La "Royne la: Item une cotte de satin jaune bordee de velours

la dite cotte a

este veue. CramoiSY.

Item sept paires de manches sortables aux dites
cottes.
Robbes a la fa- Item une robbe de drap dargent a la sorte de damas
de baudequyn embordee de drap dor doublee de taffetas
blanc.

Item une robbe de satin vert doublee de drap dargent
de damas et bordee de drap dargent de damas.

Item une robbe de drap dor a louvrage de camelot [this

seems to be woven or embroidered in circles or rondeaux]

doublee de velours vert et taffetas vert et bordee de satin

cramoisy.

Bonnetz a la f a- Troys bonnetz le premier de velours cramoisy, lautre

con de Miiian. de ve i ours no i r e t lautre de satin cramoisy.

Esg^iiiiettes Item xxviii grandes esguilettes dor de Venise et xii

[points] pour ...

les Robbes a la petltes.

nonTerref ^Les Item xxvui esguillettes grandes faictes dor et soye

esguiiiettes cramoisye et xii petites.

robbes. ' Item xxviii grandes esguillettes dor et soye verte et

douze petites.
Manteauixet Item une manteau de scarlate. deux chapperons de
La a Royne les a. velours noir. douze pieces appartenant aux chapperons.

APPENDIX 267

Scabeiies. Une couverture de velours cramoisy une autre de-

Lesditeschoses , ,

ont este veues. bOdiidUJ.

Une custode [curtain] de taffetas vert.
Car & grans Item ung car clos : deux grans estandars.
LtetTet con- Item ung chapeau couvert de taffetas borde velours,
chettes et a j t deux CO uvertures de cuyr pour couvrir les dits

contremens

diceulx. Cars.

Item ung lit de camp avecques pommes dor et girou-
ettes dessus.
LaRoyneen Item une dossiel, ciel et contepoincte de drap dor
estservie. guf yert & argent sur p0 urpre mispartez [mespartir = to
este veu S es 3 en t divide in equal pieces. John Palsgrave's French Grammar]
dite chambre. frange de SO y e de pourpre et cinq Eideaulx de damas

cramoisy.
Alaseconde Item ung autre lit de camp paint dor girouettes et

chambre de la ,1 _

Royne. pommes dor.

Item ung dossiel, ung ciel une cottepomcte dor coite

& taille dor mespartez de frange de soie verte et dor

avecques cinq Eideaulx de vert et damas cramoisy.

A la chambre Item une custode et cotepoincte de drap dor coite

de la Royne. r stu f e ^ w {th feathers and quilted] & velours cramoisy

Lesditeschoses L" JJ * _ * r -,

ont este veues emborde de Eouses [roses] & porcsespics [porcupines]

comme dessus. ^ ^^ frange de gQye yerte et dor & ung Rideau de

taffetas changeant.

Item ung grand Lit destat contenant dossiel ciel cote-
poincte de velours bleu emborde de Eouses Eouges franges
de soie bleu & fil dor.
Grande Tapis- Item sept grans pieces de tapisserie de drap dor
seriepour mespartez a frange de cramoisy & blanc & bordeures
six de dits de velours cramoisy emborde avecques armes congnois-
SSSbS n de a to sances et devises dont deux pieces sont de sept mesparties
Royne eiies y deux & e s [ x me sparties et troys de cinq.
SeptdlditTs 8 ' Item huit autres tapisseries de drap dor mespartez de
pieces sont velours cramoisy emborde de porcsespics & Eoses couron-
chambreTdeianees avec bordeures de velours bleu emborde de fleurs
Les'p^cTont de lis et armes dont deux pieces sont de huict mesparties

este veues en la ^ eux fa ge pt e t quatre de six.

Item six pieces de tappisserie riches daras [d' Arras].

268 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Tapicerie
simple.

Doucelez.
a la chambre
de la Royne
il a este veu
en la dite
chambre.

Rideaulx.

a la chambre
de la Royne
elles y ont este
veues
Chaires.

a la chambre
de la Royne.

Coussins et
Carreaulx.

Les deux longs
a la chambre
de la Royne.
lis ont este
veue en la dite
chambre.
Linceaulx
& Couvertures
doreilliers.

II y en a sept
en la chambre
de la Royne.
On les a veus.

En a chambre
de la Royne
quatre. On a
veu les dite
quatre en la
chambre de
la Royne.

Litz de duvet
le lit est dans
la chambre de
la Royne et le
traversin est en
la dite chambre
Orielliers et
Traversins.

Item sept pieces de tappisserie contenantes histoire de
Hercules.

Item Treze pieces de tapicerie a figures de bergeres et
bergiers.

Item ung drap de tissu sur pourpre & cramoisy mespartez
en troys.

Item ung autre de drap dor sur blanc & cramoisy
mespartez de troys.

Item ung grand Eideau de taffetas cramoisy de huyt
parties.

Item une chaire de drap dor tissue sur pourpre.

Item une autre de drap dor sur blanc et frange de fil
dor et de soye verte.

Item une autre chaire de drap dor sur cramoisy frange
de fil dor et de soye cramoisy.

Item quatre coussins de drap dor tissue.

Item quatre de drap dor sur blanc deux longs et deux
cours.

Item quatre coussins de velours, deux longs et deux
cours.

Item xxij paires de linceaulx [sheets] de deux pieces et
demye toille a troys verges dAngleterre de long.

Item xxvj paires de lincaulx de troys toilles a troys
verges et troys quartiers de long.

Item sept paires de troys toilles a quatre aulnes de long.

Item neuf paires de troys toilles.

Item deux paires de quatre toilles.

Item xxx couvertures doreiliers.

Item une lit de duvet avecques le traversin et la coit
[quilt] fustaine.

Item deux couvertures de fustain pour le dit lit
traversin en longueur deux aulnes et trois quartiers
deux aulnes et demy de largeur.

APPENDIX 269

Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques
une coyty de bresel [red stuff] & traversin.

Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques
une coity de bresel & traversin.
Deux en la Item xxvi oreilliers de duvet couvers de fustayne.

chambre de la
Koyne. lis
ont este veus.

Litz deplumes. Item ung grant lit destat de douze quartiers avecques

ung coity de bresel.
SSmbre de la I tem q uatre l ltz de dix quartiers coitez de bresel &
Royne qui ont traversins.

este veus. _ .., , . ,. .

Item quatres autres litz de huyt quartiers coitez de
gaud [yellow stuff] & traversins.

Item deux litz de xij cartiers coitez de bresel &
traversins.
Mateiiatz Item deux matellatz delayne couvert de bougran bleu

de ia Royn"e re [buckram, hut finer than the modern stuff].

ont este veus.

Manteauix Item deux manteaulx lung de cramoisy lautre de

d'Irlande.

tanne.

Frese, lun en Item deux frises lun de cramoisy lautre de bleu.

de la Royne Item une couverture de lit de scarlate et de bleu de

dans S L a dite eS dix au l nes et demy de longueur et largeur de deux lez.

chambre. [nearly.]

Fustaines. Item onze paires de quatre litz.

en la chambre

de la Royne

troys, veus en

la dite ,

chambre. Item une paire de cinq litz.

Cotepoinctes. Item quatre cotepoinctes de bordure de xx aulnes

flamandes piece.

Item deux autres de bordure de xx aulnes flamandes

piece.
chambre de la * tem ^ eux P* eces de bordures 3nes de xxv aulnes

Royne : elles flamandes.

Item ung autre piece de bordure de xl aulnes
flamandes.

Ung autre piece de bordure de [ ] flamandes.

Item deux pieces de bordure de xxx aulnes flamandes.

y ont este
veues

270 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Deux grans tapiz veluz de longueur de huict aulnes
on environ et de largeur iij quartiers ii aulnes (sic).
Tapiz Veluz. "(Jng autre tapiz de quatre aulnes ou environ a roues.

Item ung autre de sept aulnes en longueur et de
largeur ii aulnes et 1 quartier.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes et demye en longueur et
deux en largeur.

Ung autre de troye aulnes et trois quartiers en
lougueur et ij aulnes & ung quartier en largeur.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et ung
quartier, & deux en largeur et un quartier.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en lougueur et deux aulnes
en largeur.

Ung autre de troys aulnes et troys quartiers en
longueur et une aulne troys quartiers en largeur.

Ung autre cinq aulnes & ung quartier en longueur et
ij aulnes & 1 quartier en largeur.

Ung autre deux aulnes troys quartiers en longueur et
une aulne et demye de largeur.

Item xxij pety tapiz dune mesure de deux aulnes de
longueur et une aulne & demye de largeur.
eniachambre Somme de tapiz xxxiii grans et petys cestassavoir

de la Royne r , . , * ^ ■ .

doit avoir huit [c est a savoir] onze tant grans que moyens et xxij

tant grans que „„{„„
moyens et cinq F cl v °'
petys qui ont

Cordes. Item xx Liure de corde Ronde et plate.

Canevatz. Item Canevatz pour metre dedans les charriotz de la

Royne qui sont quatre de cinq aulnes de long et quatre
lezes de largeur.

Item huyt estuytz de canevatz pour metre les litz de
la Royne et a chacune dix aulnes.
Crochetz pour Item ung mile grans crochetz & quatre mil de pety.
tapisseries. Item deux marteaulx.

Item deux grans canevatz pour envelopper toute la
tappiserie en la garde robbe.

Item troys grans estuytz de cuyr pour metre lesz
tapisseries.

Item quatre grans cuirs pour couvrir charriotz.

APPENDIX 271

Item deux autres grans estuytz de cuirs pour metre
litz.

Item troys estuytz pour chaires.

Item deux grans coffres.

Fait et signe en la ville dabbeville par moi maistre
de la grant garde Kobe cy dessus nomme le xiij jour
doctobre Ian mil iiiij cens quatorze.

Signd, Andrew de Wyndesore.

(b) Inventaire des acoustremens de drap dor velour
Cramoisy et autres Draps aportez dAngleterre a la venue de
la Eoyne pour le service de la dite Dame tant a sa lictiere
chevaulx de portement aubins et hacqunees Couvertures
de chariotz et accoustremens de chevaulx qui servent [?]
a les mener ainsi quil sensuit et premierement

Le drap et acoutrement du cheval de portement fait a
broderie dun drap dor tres riche.

Sellerie.

Plus xii selles de drap dor faictes a broderie pour
servire a xii aubins avec tous harnois completz de
semblable drap et pareur [parure].

Item xii autres selles semblablement de drap dor pour
servire comme desous avec douze harnois completz de
semblable drap et pareur.

Item plus une xii e autres selles de velours cramoisy
pour servire comme les precedents avec les harnois
completz de semblable drap et pareur.

Chariotz et Lictiere.

Une belle lictiere couverte de drap dor a fleurs de lis
de broderie que deux grans chevaulx portent acoustrez
tant de selles que harnois y servant tout completz cou-
vert de semblable drap et dedans la lictiere y a quatre
grans carreaulx couvert de pareil drap dor et sur le
dehors est icelle lictiere couverte dung drap descarlate
dAngleterre.

272 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

Plus ung beau chariot branlant couvert de drap dor
frize a frange dor tout le tour du dit chariot et dedans
quatre grans carreaulx couverte de mesme drap et y a
une couverte descarlate pour metre sur le dehors du dit
chariot.

Pour mener lequel chariot y a lacoustrement complet
de six chevaulx dont les troys ont selles. Le tout couvert
de semblable drap dor et pareur.

Item y a ung autre beau chariot couvert de drap dor a
fleurs de litz de broderie frange de franges dor tout le
tour et dedans y a quatre carreaulx couvers de semblable
drap avec une couverture descarlate pour le dehors comme
au precedant.

Pour mener lequel chariot y sont autres six acoustre-
mens de chevaulx dont le trois ont pareillement selles le
tout couvert de semblable drap et pareur.

Item plus y a ung autre chariot couvert de velours
camoisy frange tout le tour de frange dor et dedans
quatre carreaulx de semblable velours cramoisy couvert.
il n'y a pour le dehor qune toille ciree pour le couvrir.

Pour conduire lequel chariot y a lacoustrement de six
autres chevaulx tout complet dont les trois ont selles
tous couvers du mesme velours cramoisy et semblable
pareur.

Fait a Abbeville le douziesme jour doctobre Ian mil
cinq cens quatorze.

SignS, Filleul.

Chevaulx.

Plus y a dix sept hacquenees pour le service de la dite
dame toutes couvertes de couvertures dont les quinze sont
toutes blanches et deux de gris plus [?] salle [?] les quelles
ont este amenee dAngleterre.

Item y a ung sommier de pareil poil que lescuier de la
dite dame dit estre pour porter quelques acoustremens
pour laffaires de lescuirie.

Item plus y a dix huit jeunes chevaulx que grans que
petiz pour servir a mener les trois chariotz branlans.

APPENDIX 273

Item six autres jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a
mener le chariot couvert de la garde Eobbe de la dite
dame.

Item plus en y a treize qui sont pour servir a deux
autres chariotz de garnisons et offices tant a la tapisserie
que ailleurs ou on les voudra employer tous lesquelz
chevaulx ne sont fort bien enharnachez pour le present
et en deffault quelques pieces.

Item plus y a deux grans beaulx et jeunes chevaulx
qui sont ordonnez a porter la lictiere dicelle dame.

Fait comme dessous a Abbeville le xij jour doctobre
Ian cinq cens et quatorze.

SignS, Filleul.

ii. Two documents in English. Letters & Papers
Henry viii., vol. i., No. 5491. —

a. List of the gownes devised for the Princess Mary
being the same in English as already given in the more
complete French document. At the end comes tho
following in a fragmentary fashion.

Jaketts for her fotemen.
Furst iij Jaketts of white cloth of golde guilted with
scales and crymosyn velvet paled with cloth of golde te
be Inbrodred with a porcapin and a Kose.

Jaketts for the secounde sorte.
Item iij Jaketts of Tawny cloth of golde of damaske
& blew velvet to be Inbrodred with the fleurs de lyee
& a Kose.

Jaketts for the iij sorte.
Item iij Jaketts of grene velvet to be Inbrodred with
Roses of a colour and the sun.

For the closet.
A gown of crymesyn cloth of golde of Damaske with a
border of black velvet Inbrodred to be made a Vestment
18

274 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

& the border of the same to serve to the same Vestment
takyng certayn lettres owt of the same.

Item a riche awtar (altar) cloth of crymesyn and
purpull cloth of goolde tissuwe.

Item a nother awtar cloth of cloth of bawdekyne.

Item a nother of crymesyn and bleue velvet.

Item cusshons of white cloth of golde of damaske.

Item a cusshon of bleue velvet with fleurs of golde
wrought in one.

Yet for the closet.

Item a remanent of crymesyn cloth of golde of tissewe
to make a cushon & ij corpvs cases.

b. Endorsed, Amadas bill. [Robert Amadas was the
King's goldsmith.] Headed. Parcells dellyveryd unto
the Frenche quenys us as followth.

[omiting weights, prices & moneys paid for making.]

Item a grete seall of sylver gravyn with the devices of
England and the devices of Fraunce.

Item a nother seall of provune golde.

Item for a devyce of provune gollde with iiij Eoses.

Item a nother device of provune gollde with perills &
dyamonds.

Item a Braselet of provune gollde with perylls.

Item a nother Braselet of provune gollde with Eubys
and Rosis.

Item for Settynge of ix Eubys in provune gollde.

Item an M of provune gollde with a grette Ballas & a
Dyamond.

Item 1. Bedstonys [Beadstones] of fyne gollde enamellyd
with Blake.

Item 1. paire of augulletts of provune gollde.

Item the v. oz. wayght of provune gollde that was put
to the Frensch quenis Bawdrike.

Item for iij chaynnis of fyne gollde.

Item Dellyveryd in fyne gollde for the garnyshynge of
the French quenes frontylletts.

APPENDIX 275

Item Dellyveryd more in fyne gollde for frontylletts.

Item Dellyveryd in Sylver for the gamy shy nge of iiij
Carvynge Knyvys.

Item for makynge & gylldynge of the every [knife].

Item payd to the Butler for gravynge of the sayd
knyvis & gylldyng of the bladys.

Item for makyng of a Case to the Kyngs collar of the
Garter.

Item for New of a gyllte potte to a mache [match] that
master Cumton [Gomjoton] hathe in hys ckepynge [sic]
wayning more then the olid potte be ii. oz.

Item Dellyveryd to Harre holltesweler [Henry Holtes-
weller, the King's Flemish goldsmith] for a device or a
Bawdryke iiij Kossys sette with Dyamonds, Eubys and
perylls & v Evbys sette in colletts (?) iij of Them with
pances and ij with owte and ix perylls mouche of a sette
for the same.

Item Dellyveryd to hym a dobyll sett with a fayre
poyntted Dyamonde and a fayre large tabulle Balles with
a fayre large peryll.

Item Dellyveryd to hym a brassellet to a mend.

Item Dellyveryd to hym ij treangle dyamonds, a tabulle
dyamonde and a dyamonde callyd a a dak [?] and a fayre
Eounde peryll and iiij table dyamonds and a fayre lozenged
dyamonde takyn owte of the Crosse. And ix fayre perylls
of the bawdryke to make a device for her neyke as is
devised.

Item perylls & vi Eubys all oryentt takyn owte of the
M and xii perylls takyn owte of the K to sette in a bras-
selett. And vi Eossys of Eubys and viiij smalle perylls
for a nother Brasselet that were in a smalle casket of
Spaynyshe worke.

Item Dellyveryd to him ix fayre Eubys sett in colletts
to Sett in propyr flowers.

Item Dellyveryd to him in brokyn gollde of the
Bawdrykys and other pecys of chens, casketts (?) and
other smalle pecys of brokyn gollde.

INDEX

Abbeville, 103, 112, 116
Abingdon, 232

Albany, Duke of, 105, 113, 205, 221
Angouleme, Claude Duchess of (see

Claude of France)
Angouleme, Francis Duke of (see

Francis I. of France)
Anne of Brittany, Queen of France,

41, 73, 107
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 9, 12, 13

B

Badoer, Andreas, Venetian ambas-
sador, 97, 99

Bannister, Sir Humphrey, 223

Barking, Manor of, 214, 215, 216

Barnes, Jean, 110, 128

Berghes, Count de, 19-21, 37, 46, 60, 66

Blount, Bessie, 74, 234, 245

Bohier, Thomas, General of Nor-
mandy, 94, 96, 103, 104

Boleyn, Anne, 110, 128, 231, 245, 249

Lady, 231

Sir Thomas, 37

Boulogne, 50, 111, 130

Brandon, Anne, 70, 83, 220

Charles, 12, 100

Lord Lisle, 49, 59, 63, 64

Courts Margaret of Savoy,

61-71, 77-90

Duke of Suffolk, 76, 88, 96,

126, 130-144, 153, 156, 158, 168, 187,
189, 206, 208, 219, 222, 223, 224,
232, 234, 242, 243, 248, 249

Debts, 222, 226, 230, 231

Letters from, 161, 162, 164,

167, 181, 187, 190, 197, 198, 200,
210, 226, 228, 233, 236, 248

Letters to, 168, 184, 191

Lady Eleanor, 237, 251

Lady Frances, 231, 251

Lord Henry, 223

, Earl of Lincoln, 245, 251

Bregilles, Philippe de, 65, 78, 82, 83
Bresse, Governor of, 19, 37
Bridget of York, Lady, 4, 11
Brown, John, King's painter, 238
Browne, Anne, 12, 100, 101, 245
Brussels, 84, 90
Buckingham, Duke of, 99, 242
Bury St Edmunds, 251

Calais, 48, 50, 51, 87, 214
Cambrai, League of, 17
Camp at Therouenne, 53-55
Carew, Anne, 74, 234

Sir Nicholas, 74, 235

Carroz, Luis, Spanish Ambassador in

England, 28, 43
Catherine, Princess, 14
Cavalcanti, bankers, 103, 222
Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 41, 62,

69, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 96, 151, 174

Letter from, 21

— Emperor of Germany, 235,

237, 241, 249, 250
Chievres, Count, 77, 78, 81, 89, 174
Claude of France —

Duchess of Angouleme, 107, 117
Queen of France, 190, 240, 241
Clugny Palace, 148, 171, 208
Compton, Sir William, 150, 224
Courtney, Lady Katharine Countess

of Devon, 4, 11, 224
Crowmer, Anne, 8

Dacres, Lord, 223
Denton, Dr, 110, 128,246

Elizabeth, 8

Donyngton Manor, 224, 225

Dorset, Marquis of, 119, 139, 141, 143

Du Wys, Giles, 24

Dunkirk, 48

Durham House, Strand, 234

277

278 MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

E

Edmund, Prince, 8

Elizabeth of York, Queen of England,

4-6, 10, 13
Eltham Palace, 4, 8, 11, 153, 192

Erasmus, 4

Fbnbs, Mary, 110, 128

Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 15, 17 ;

chapter ii. passim ; 79

of Austria, 34, 79

Field of Cloth of Gold, 238-241

Flodden, 63

Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 49, 50, 66,

69, 96
Francis I. of France —

Duke of Angouleme, 50, 105, 107,
112-118, 127-128, 129, 132, 140,
142
King, chapter viii. passim ; 231,

240, 241, 246, 249
Frescobaldi, bankers, 40, 222

G

Gordon, Lady Katharine, 1 1
Greenwich, 11, 97, 184, 215, 230
Grey, Lady Anne, 228

Lady Elizabeth, 110, 128, 231

Lady Jane, 11

Gueldres, Duke of, 31, 32, 33, 35, 38,

46
Guiche, Peter de la, 165, 180
Guienne, 37, 39, 47
Guildford, Sir Harry, 62, 234

Lady Joan, 11, 74, 110, 122-127,

230

Guingate, 57, 59, 60

H

Henry VII. of England, 6-8 ; chapter
i. passim

VIII. , 4 ; chapter ii. passim ; 50 ;

chapter iii. passim ; 94, 98, 99, 183,
194, 203, 224, 232, 234, 240, 241

Duke of York, 8, 13, 14

Letters to, 122, 151, 161, 162,

164, 165, 167, 181, 189, 197, 198,
200, 210, 211, 224, 226

Holy League, the, 43

Howard, Lord, Admiral, 49
Admiral, 44

Ipswich College, 248
Isabeau, Archduchess of Austria,
33

James IV. of Scotland, 12, 13, 32

64
Jerningham, Mistress, 110, 227

229
Joanna of Castile, 15, 17, 26
Jousts —

At Tournay, 69
At Lille, 70
At Paris, 139-143
At Greenwich, 230
At Guisnes : Field of Cloth o
Gold, 239-240
Julius II., 29, 30, 32

Katharine of Aragon, 8, 12, 14, 15,
25, 63, 64, 94, 98, 222, 225, 228,
230, 231, 235, 238, 240, 241, 249,
250

Langley, Father, 150, 194, 195

Leo X., 93

Letheringham Castle, 226

Ligny, Count, 43, 44, 87

Likerke, Mdlle. de, 73, 85, 86

Lille, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69

Lisle, Lady, 82, 84

London, 30, 41, 49, 96, 97, 180, 206,

234
Longueville, Duke de, 57, 89 ; chapter

v. passim ; 129, 155

Letters from, 103, 104

Louis XII. of France, chapter ii.

passim ; 106-7 ; chapter v. passim ;

120, 122, 131, 145, 146

Letter from, 104

Letters to, 105-6, 125

Louise de Savoie, 14, 108, 133, 190,

204, 222, 235, 246

INDEX

279

M

! Malines, 31, 42, 43, 66, 87

j Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 5,

6, 74
I Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots, 3,

13, 76, 95, 225
fe Marigny, 102, 112
i Marriages —

Arthur of Wales to Katharine of

Aragon, 12
Brandon, Charles, to Anne
Browne, 100

to Lady Mortimer, 100

to Lady Lisle, 82

to Margaret of Savoy,

67, 76-88

to Mary Tudor, Queen

of France, 159, 168, 186-199,
204, 215
Henry VII. to Margaret of Savoy,
16, 17.

to Joanna of Castile, 17

Henry VIII. to Katharine of

Aragon, 25
Margaret Tudor to James IV., 13
Margaret of Savoy to Brandon,

67, 76-88
Mary Tudor to Charles of Castile,
14, 16, 18, 60 ; chapter iv. passim

to Louis XII., chapter

v. passim

to the Duke of Savoy,

151, 152

to the Duke of Lorraine,

151, 160

to Charles Brandon,

159, 168, 186-199, 204, 205
Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII. ,
2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19-22, 24,
60, 72, 73-76, 85, 89, 96, 100, 102-103,
109-110, 112; chapter y.passim; 134,
135, 144, 148, 151, 160, 168, 171, 174,
180, 183, 204, 215, 223, 230, 232, 234,
235, 237, 238, 240, 241, 245, 250, 251

Dowry, 23, 96 ; chapter ix.

passim ; chapter x. passim ; 226,
230, 231, 243, 245, 246, 247

Illnesses, 76, 233, 235, 250

Ladies, 109-110, 128

Letters from, 104-105, 105-

106, 122-123, 151, 154, 162, 165,
188, 195, 196, 200, 211, 224, 247

Letters to, 103, 104, 149

Trousseaux, 76, 102-103

Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII. ,
223, 224, 231, 233, 235

Maximilian of Austria, the Emperor,

16 ; chapter ii. passim ; 52, 55-65,

91, 174
Memo, Dionysius, 230, 232
Mirror of Naples, the, 109, 188, 190,

203, 207, 209, 220
Mortimer, Lady Margaret, 100, 244,

245
Mountjoy, Lord, 4, 49, 177

N

Nassau, Count, 78, 81
Norfolk, Duke of, 96, 110, 119, 123,
130, 150, 242, 248, 249

Pace, Sir Richard, 232

Padua, 28, 29

Palgrave, John, 24, 110, 138

Paris, Jehan de, 101

Paris, 25, 30, 60, 94, 105, 129, 135-138,

139, 145, 158, 189, 246
Pavia, 246

Philip of Burgundy, 14, 15, 17, 26, 89
Piennes, Sieur de, 50, 53
Pole, Edmund de la, 35

Richard de la, 35

Ponynges, Sir Edward, 34, 37, 39
Popenruyter, Hans, 31
Popincourt, Jane, 10, 18, 74, 110
Prejan, the French admiral, 44, 87

Quintana, Pedro de, 79

R

Ravenstein, Lord, 61, 62
Ren^e of France, 34, 41, 107
Richmond, 11, 18, 19

Duke of, 74, 245

Robertet, Treasurer of France, 105,

108, 120
Ross Herald, 56

San Severino, G. de, 113, 118
Sandwich, 48, 50

2 8o MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE

v

Saragossa, Archbishop of, 33

Savoy, Margaret Duchess of, 16, 17 ;
chapter ii. passim ; 29, 31, 61-71,
72, 76, 77-90, 93, 173, 174, 219, 241

Selva, John de, President of Nor-
mandy, 98, 180

Shrewsbury, Earl of, 48, 58, 59, 226,
230

Sidney, Sir William, 70, 82, 204, 211,
215, 217, 218

Skeron, Anne, 2

Southampton, 48

Southwark, the Duke of Suffolk's
house at, 235, 244

Spinelly, Thomas, 84, 173

Stile, John, 26, 30, 41, 42

Stuart, Queen Mary, 11

Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 40
Therouenne, 50, 53, 56, 58, 65, 95
Tournay, 62, 64, 69, 83, 94, 155, 174-

199 passim
Tournelles, H6tel des, 105, 137, 139,

148
Treaties —

Cambrai, 18

London, 96, 97, 180, 206

Spanish, 12

Tournay, 70

Venetian Ambassador, 77, 97, 117,

208
Venetians, the, chapter ii. passim
Verney, Sir Rauf , 11, 96

W

Wanstead Manor, 96

Wardrobe, the Great, 9

West, Dr Nicholas, 153, 208, 209

Westhorpe, 244, 251

Windsor Castle, 11, 15

Wingfield, Sir Humphrey, 232, 245

Sir Richard, 85-88, 153, 220

Sir Robert, 32, 43, 44, 45, 46, 4 1 ;

79,88
Wolsey, Thomas, King's Almoner,

Bishop of Lincoln, Archbishop of

York, Cardinal, 40, 49, 60, 66, 69,

89, 94, 96, 99, 149, 164, 222, 224,

248, 249
Letters from, 125, 168, 185,

191
Letters to, 104, 123, 154, 162,

182, 187, 190, 196, 228, 233, 236,

247, 248
Woodstock Manor, 232
Worcester, the Earl of, 96, 105, 127
Letter from, 108

TrntfBtrrx and spears, printers Edinburgh.

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